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The academic world has been buzzing with arguments seeking to explain
the origins and mechanism of Jewish power in the modern West. The
question is rife with landmines and one side of the debate is heavily
stifled.

One theory gaining traction, promoted by figures such as Richard Hanania
and Cambridge lecturer Nathan Cofnas, is that the massive
overrepresentation of the Ashkenazi Jewish population derives from their genetic superiority to whites in the area of intellect. This theory has
been proliferated through Jewish-owned publications of great import,
such as the New York Times, which published a piece titled “The Secrets
of Jewish Genius” by Zionist author Bret Stephens. The paper later
apologized for promoting what is effectively racial science to its angry liberal audience, but the article has yet to be fully retracted.

The Ashkenazi IQ hypothesis has been reduced to conjecture on one front
by Dr. Kevin MacDonald, whose evolutionary theories of Jewish cohesion
were challenged by Cofnas, leading to a debate between the two men in
2021 published in the academic journal Philosophia. In 2022, Philosophia retracted Dr. MacDonald’s defense of his theories while keeping Cofnas’ attacks — a blatant act of scale tipping irreconcilable with the spirit
of free debate.

Ron Unz, who is Jewish himself, has also published serious work refuting
claims that dramatic Jewish overrepresentation in Ivy League
universities (which are a golden ticket into the American elite) is the
product of merit or intelligence in “The Myth of American Meritocracy.”
In this work, Unz demonstrates Jewish mediocrity in intellectual
pursuits relative to their overall professional and economic positions.

More recently, Dr. Neema Parvini has written an in-depth study on the
flimsy data supporting the Ashkenazi high IQ thesis, effectively
refuting all of it on the grounds of lack of convincing replication,
shoddy methodology, and in some cases, such as Dr. Richard Lynn’s 2004
“The Intelligence of American Jews,” effectively making it up.

On its face, the hypothesis promoted by Cofnas, Hanania, Stephens and
others is weakly supported when looking at control groups. We will use
Asians, rather than whites, in order to control for this author’s
potential personal biases.

If inherited intelligence, high educational attainment and overall merit
alone explain relative influence among the American elite, why are East
Asians — who proponents of the Ashkenazi IQ theory all agree have the
highest IQs of all the races in the world — broadly absent from American power junctions such as politics, finance and asset management, law and
media?

The total East Asian population (Chinese, Koreans, Japanese, Taiwanese,
etc) is higher than that of Jews in the United States. According to US
federal work force data, Asians are drastically overrepresented in
professional jobs (12% of the total work force), yet are less likely to
be promoted to corporate management positions than both blacks and
mixed-race Spanish speakers. Some may explain this as a problem of the Affirmative Action regime, but then, why are Jewish capitalists so
heavily represented despite being legally categorized as “white,” the
most discriminated group of all?

In the realm of asset management — the world of real estate, private
equity, hedge funds and other important sources of money and power in
the Jewish community — the disparities between the smart Asians and Jews
are even more stark. The entire population of Asians in America (5.6%)
control a mere 2.4% of asset management firms, and within that, manage a nanoscopic 0.3% of all assets, despite studies showing that these
companies are better managed than non-Asian owned competitors.

Compare this to just one major Jewish asset management firm, Larry
Fink’s Blackrock, which enjoys a special plutocratic relationship with
the Federal Reserve. Fink alone manages close to $10 trillion dollars,
despite requiring bailouts from around the world due to episodes of mismanagement.

It is unsurprising then that among major billionaire donors to the
Democratic or Republican parties, where Jews working in asset management industries (money that is “easy-come-easy-go”) are 50% or more of major patrons, the American political structure is highly responsive to the capricious whims of the state of Israel while simultaneously targeting
China with trade wars and a geopolitical challenge in Taiwan.

We can see the same dynamic in other fields, such as the elite
university system. This power was put on display recently in the
humiliating sacking of Claudine Gay from Harvard University and Liz
Magill from the University of Pennsylvania (the few non- Jewish
presidents of Ivy League schools) in response to protestations by Jewish
hedge fund and venture capitalist donors over their supposed toleration
of anti-Israel student protests on their respective campuses.

In the sphere of non-governmental organizations, which exercise enormous
power in the United States and throughout its satellite states around
the world, Wall Street “philanthropy” rules the roost. George Soros is
the most famous example, but he is barely the tip of the iceberg (the
role of Jewish finance in NGOs is a topic for a separate article). A
handful of billionaires, virtually all of them operating in the world of investment banking and tech, provide bottomless wells of cash for
foundations, activist groups and think-tanks changing the West from
within without democratic consent.

In the realm of mass media, private equity underwrites the majority of
it in the US. Jewish control of the mass media is today common
knowledge, so listing every single owner is not necessary.

It is safe to say that the power to amass capital quickly and then
bankroll institutions — once again largely through finance, real estate, private equity, and so on —rather than objective individual merit is
more influential in deciding who becomes the next president of Harvard,
whose start up gets injected with venture capital, who shareholders
elect to manage a company, who gets a platform at the New York Times,
who gets appointed to run the State Department and Department of
Justice, and so on. A mountain of studies have proven beyond reasonable
doubt that the United States functions as an oligarchy.

Perhaps the Ashkenazi domination of these major institutions is backed
by oligarchic appointment, but good management still requires high
intelligence to keep them functional, one could argue. But few would
seriously conclude that America’s media, politics, big businesses, NGOs,
law firms, and top universities represent our brightest and best
citizens. On the contrary, survey after survey finds that the average
American has no confidence in any of these ruling institutions to solve national and social problems, or even tell the truth. The broadest view
is that these structures are directly responsible for driving our
country into the ground — no confidence.

Defenders of the Ashkenazi IQ theory, if they do concede the power of
gold, stock market swindles, and compound interest as the primary
foundation for Jewish elite overrepresentation, could fire back that
nothing is preventing non-Jews from challenging Jews on the stock
exchange floor in the so-called free market economy, but this has also
been proven false.

When independent actors decide to play the money game according to the
stealth rules of the winners — trickery, speculative conspiracies, pump-and-dumps — suddenly Jeremy Bentham’s “Nightwatchman state,” unable
to restrict or fight the power of rapacious oligarchy, nevertheless
remains strong enough to crush its opponents.

One recent anecdote where this was exhibited was the 2021 Gamestop stock ordeal.

The incident began when a Jewish financier, Gabe Plotkin of Melvin
Capital, invested $6 billion dollars to collapse the stock of a
struggling company, Gamestop, and consume its carcass.

An individual spotted Plotkin’s big move and took to social media to
call on small time traders using the RobinHood app to take a
counter-position.

Soon enough, the internet driven Gamestop pump began, wiping out 50% of
Melvin Capital’s money and redistributing it to the workers, college
students and unemployed taking part in the financial campaign.

Rather than accept the new players in the market casino, the Securities
and Exchange Commission launched a direct intervention. Jewish SEC
Chairman Gary Gensler, who worked at Goldman Sachs prior to joining the
federal government, stepped in on behalf of the Jews of Melvin Capital
to threaten the app for allowing minnows to come together to fight back
against the whales and had the stocks hurting the investment bankers
delisted. The SEC then passed new rules to prevent the new broader
access to the market provided by apps and chatrooms from allowing this
type of challenge to Jewish finance from ever materializing again.

Werner Sombart and The Power of Gold

The ongoing debate on the origins of Jewish power over the West thus
requires an alternative hypothesis. For this purpose, we can consult
Werner Sombart’s work, which provides a theoretical foundation to
analyze the origins, structure and mechanisms of Jewish power.

Sombart, an economist of the German school, was an internationally
acclaimed academic and colleague of Max Weber. In 1911, Sombart
published The Jews and Modern Capitalism, his refutation of Weber’s well-known The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905), the
latter which posits that capitalism and finance emerged from the works
of John Calvin and Protestantism.

The crux of Sombart’s counter-theory is that Protestant merchants, such
as those who backed the violent overthrow of Charles I by Oliver
Cromwell in the 17th century, held values on money and trade taken
verbatim from Judaism. In most instances, figures such as Oliver
Cromwell and William III of Orange were even directly financed by Jews
in their power-grabs.

It is important to preface that The Jews and Modern Capitalism was not considered an anti-Jewish work at the time of its publishing nor was
Sombart seen as an anti-Semite. Until his falling out with Jewish
communist revolutionary Rosa Luxembourg, Sombart enjoyed deference from
the international left as a pioneer of capitalist critique, authoring milestones in economics and even creating the popular “meme” of “Late Stage Capitalism” that circulates in anti-racist leftist circles
today. It was only in the 1930s and after World War II that Sombart’s
works became controversial, but this was due to the fact that he later
embraced Nationalsocialism as an alternative to both Marxism and
capitalism, not any debunking of his academic work or studies.

In The Jews and Modern Capitalism, Sombart disputes both hereditarian
and Marxist arguments that at the time sought to explain the prominence
of Jews in European nations. His theory is distinct in some regards from MacDonald, but overlaps with it.

In Sombart’s view, the major catalyst for the rise of the Jews that had
taken Europe and later the Americas by storm since the 16th and 17th
century derived from the discovery of the New World and the
establishment of the world’s first stock exchange in 1602 in the city of Amsterdam.

According to Sombart, Jews laid the groundwork for mortgaging and modern investment banking, usurious loans (in contrast with the ancient Roman
loan system, which dealt largely with personal borrowing), developed sophisticated strategies of commerce in the Talmud, and quite literally conjured up the concept of the modern stock market itself through the
creation and command of previous financial instruments like the system
of bills of exchange. As global markets opened up through the discovery
of the new world and a native European bourgeoisie began to develop,
Jews found political allies among merchants who relied on them for their international connections and access to foreign exchanges, as well as
kings and princes who needed loans from wealthy Jewish moneylenders,
weapons from Jewish arms contractors and provisions to wage wars, expand
their imperial economies, or wrestle titles from competitors.

Jews since ancient times mastered the art of moneylending, allowing them
to build power blocs that caused unrest among the populations of Europe
and led institutions such as the Catholic Church and absolutist
monarchies to ban them from participating in political life. The
exploitative commerce practiced by Jews was seen as evil or socially destabilizing by host peoples. There are many cases where Jewish
practices provoked domestic unrest, leading to riots and full
expulsions.

This began to change once the Spanish and Portuguese discovered the
Americas. Though Jews were officially expelled from both nations in the
late 15th century, the Jews who had amassed great fortunes as merchant
elites under the Moorish occupation were often able to keep their money
and stay in the country by converting to Catholicism. These individuals, despite being baptized, by and large retained their Jewish identity and practices, leading them to be described, at times pejoratively, as
Conversos or Marranos.

The Spanish royal treasurer, Luis de Santángel, was instrumental in
financing Christopher Columbus’ historic 1492 voyage, which embarked in
hopes of finding an alternative trade route to China and India. Instead,
he was able to discover America. Following this lucky breakthrough,
Marrano Jews with ties to Santángel grew even wealthier and more
powerful through the funding of new world trips and setting up merchant colonies in the Americas, returning to Spain and Portugal with ships
full of gold and silver.

Before New York and London, There Was Amsterdam

The growing power of the pseudo-Christian Jews through New World plunder
caused widespread antipathy to grow against them again in Iberia,
leading to a wave of emigration out of Spain and the Spanish-ruled Low Countries to Amsterdam, which at the time of this 16th century
population exodus was ruled by the anti-Spanish, philo-Semitic
Protestant leader William the Silent.

It is here that Jewish power as we know it began. Sombart quotes Dutch contemporaries describing the arrival of the Sephardic Jews of Portugal
and Spain as bringing with them immense wealth, including troves of
precious metals in quantities they had never seen before. Following the establishment of the Amsterdam stock exchange, which was established to privately fund the foreign ventures of the Dutch East India Company,
Jews immediately snapped up a massive proportion of the shares,
effectively monopolizing the stock exchange floor for themselves.

Exact figures for Jewish representation in the Amsterdam stock exchange
are extremely difficult to come by. This has perplexed historians due to
the fact that much smaller and irrelevant stock markets that emerged in
other parts of Europe generally published public lists of shareholders.

In Larry Neal’s 1982 paper, “Efficient Markets in the Eighteenth
Century? Stock Exchanges in Amsterdam and London,” he openly concludes
that the secrecy of the Amsterdam stock market system was in hopes of
not provoking local controversy over the vast overrepresentation of
Jews, which even dwarfed the heavily Jewish 18th century participation
in the City of London: "the absence of printed lists in Amsterdam may
derive from the much greater importance of Jewish stockbrokers in the
Amsterdam than in London.”

Neal continues that according to random samples of Amsterdam stockbroker
lists that are available, “In 1739, 22 of the 32 stockbrokers listed in Amsterdam are Jewish. In 1764 another publication showed 36 or 37 of the
41 brokers listed to be Jewish.”

Following Portugal’s victory over the Dutch in the Jewish-populated
African slave port (the first of its kind in the new world) of Recife,
Brazil, the local Jews were forcibly expelled by Portuguese
forces. These Jews set sail for the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam (at
the time, south Manhattan, New York), which was governed by Dutch West India’s (formerly Dutch East India) employee Peter Stuyvesant.

Stuyvesant feared that an influx of Jews to his small colony would
undermine it and petitioned his employers to expel the new migrants in
1654. Stuyvesant’s request was rejected and he was commanded to allow
the Jews to settle and trade in New Amsterdam by the Dutch West India
company in 1655 in a letter which stated that Jews could not be turned
away due to the fact that they were major shareholders in the company.

In Amsterdam, it became clear that the Jews felt more at home in the
stock market than even the Synagogue. The first and most influential
book ever written on how to use and dominate the stock market was 1688’s Confusión de Confusiones, authored by Spanish-Jew Joseph de la Vega. The
work is an in-depth guide on how the Amsterdam Stock Exchange operated:
bull and bear plots, stock-index trades, futures contracts, and so
on. For these Jews, the stock exchange was completely intuitive.

Though Jews faced some barriers to direct political representation in
17th and 18th century Amsterdam, Jewish merchants — through the conquest
of finance and international trade — established numerous newspapers and publishing houses aimed at a Gentile audience such as the influential
Amsterdam Gazette (the first ever Jewish owned paper, which was
published in multiple languages) and the Amsterdam Current. They were
able to ingratiate themselves easily among local bourgeoisie and titled
gentry, and especially used their money to mainstream and manufacture
prestige for intellectuals such as Menasseh Ben Israel (born Manoel Dias Soeiro, and whose benefactors were Jewish merchants Antonio de
Montezinos and Abraham Pereyra), whose Judaizing works played a
significant role in the development of English Puritan thought that
would in his lifetime seize power in England. Later, on Ben Israel’s
counsel, he managed to have King Edward I’s 1290 edict to expel the Jews reversed in 1656 under the military dictatorship of Puritan fanatic
Oliver Cromwell, whose army was kept supplied by the Jew Antonio
Fernandes de Carvajal.

Here we can see a very familiar historical pattern: the dominance of
high finance, business, and globalized trade as precursor to political
and social influence and eventually full capture of institutions, often
through frontmen, bribery and violence.

Very few of the bankers, merchants, speculators, intellectuals and media
Jews who took Amsterdam were Ashkenazi, the supposed branch of Jews with
the high IQ. These were Sephardics to a man, and most of them were
baptized as Christians.

The Conquest of England

From their power base in the Dutch empire, Jews were able to back the
takeover of England by their asset, the anti-Catholic William III of
Orange, in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, a date of great importance
when examining the beginning of Jewish power in the English-speaking
world.

William III’s war effort bankrupted Dutch coffers and ultimately
hastened the decline of Holland itself, but he was able to keep his army
armed and fed thanks to support from Jewish weapons contractors Solomon
de Medina and Moses Machado. The whole campaign was bankrolled from
start to finish by Jewish banker Francisco Suasso, and some writers,
such as William Joyce, have suggested that the Dutch-Jews who had
recently ingratiated themselves in English courts under Cromwell played
an important role as spies aiding the Dutch invaders with sensitive
information about defensive troop deployments and movements.

Upon consolidating power in England, William III began to pay back the
Jewish bankers through the establishment of the usurious Bank of England
in 1694, which Sephardic Jews became the main proprietors of, as well as
the establishment of an Amsterdam style stock exchange in the city of
London in 1698, which the group of Jewish money-men who accompanied King William, such as de Medina, quickly came to dominate.

Through the seizure of money power, Jews came to dominate the English
and Dutch empires. The global trade in sugar and African slaves became concentrated in the hands of Jews in hubs such as Guayana, Suriname,
Barbados, Jamaica, and so on. In South Africa, the Jew Benjamin Norden
enjoyed first dibs and became the first and most prosperous “British” merchant in the land. In Australia, the first British commercial
enterprise in the country was in the hands of banker Moises Montefiore,
whose wealth was derived from the City of London. Once the British state embraced the ideology of free trade, concocted by Dutch-Jew economist
David Ricardo, the wealth and power of the Jewish community compounded,
often at the expense of domestic English interest such as agriculture.

Jews were easily able to circumvent parliamentary bans on direct Jewish participation — which were only superficially upheld to prevent English workers and peasants from rioting — through paid-off Gentile
representatives and legalistic loopholes. While most Jews could not
serve in parliament at this time, the local profit-hungry bourgeoisie enthusiastically brought them into their social circles and Masonic
lodges.

By building their status as wealthy financiers, often through
illegitimate power grabs, extortion and corruption rather than merit as Europeans understand it, bankers such as David Salomans and Lionel de Rothschild were able to force through the 19th century emancipation of
Jews under British law, which the House of Lords had previously rejected
due to public safety (commoner riots) concerns. England finally elected
its first Jewish “Christian” Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, whose government expanded the City of London’s power further.

The 1:1 analogue of the rise of the supposedly lower IQ Sephardic Jews
from 15th to the 19th century with that of high IQ Ashkenazi Jews
operating in Germany, Eastern Europe and the United States more recently suggests a strategy (perhaps evolutionarily intuitive, as MacDonald
believes, or premeditated, as Sombart contends) — where the
establishment of trade monopolies, palm-greasing, spying, predatory
banking, Bolshevistic conspiracies, nepotism, and stock market swindles
are central — similar to a high-stakes poker player who always wins
because he has large amounts of funds collected through scams or
trickery and information on the other player’s cards. We can see this
type of behavior with the rise of one of England’s first and most
prominent Jewish capitalists, Menasseh Lopes, who somehow had advanced knowledge that a rumor declaring that Queen Anne was dead, which
collapsed the London stock exchange, was false. This information made
him fabulously wealthy, since it allowed him to buy shares at fire sale
prices. Is this a product of merit-worthy intelligence or naked
criminality? Lopes’ incarceration for bribery provides a hint to his character.

Back to Sombart. While writing The Jews and Modern Capitalism, he
anticipates the challenge of “Yankee Capitalism” — the view at the time that Jews were not only rare in American business life, but in fact were relatively humble, newly arrived immigrants to New York City in 1911.

He goes on to debunk this notion by saying that while narcissistic
individual Gentile capitalists were occupying the pages of newspapers
and drawing attention to themselves, Jews were working as a group to
quietly embedded throughout American life from the country’s first settlements, listing several banks and industries controlled by Jews,
and even declaring entire states such as California as being in the
thrall of Jewish finance.

Finally, on the question of America, Sombart predicts that Jews will use
their unassuming wealth to recreate the strategy of financial, media, intellectual, and finally political capture of Amsterdam and
London. Here, he makes a bold prediction about the then impoverished
Jewish immigrants and America’s future:

"Consider that there are more than a million Jews in New York today, and
that the greater number of the immigrants have not yet embarked on a capitalistic career. If the conditions in America continue to develop
along the same lines as in the last generation, if the immigration
statistics and the proportion of births among all the nationalities
remain the same, our imagination may picture the United States of fifty
or a hundred years hence as a land inhabited only by Slavs, Negroes and
Jews, wherein the Jews will naturally occupy the position of economic leadership.”

A 2017 translation of same passage in The Jews and Modern Capitalism
does not have the Slav reference, but instead foresees the future of
America as a “negro slum” overseen by Jewish financiers. The mention of “Slavs” appears to be a mistranslation of the German word for “slave.”

If a theory’s validity derives from its predictive power, then perhaps Sombart deserves a second look.

Littoria is a free publication. If you enjoyed this article, please
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<https://littoria.substack.com/p/on-the-origins-and-mechanism-of-jewish>

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