• =?UTF-8?Q?McDonald=E2=80=99s_Is_Back=2C_Moscow_Style=2C_as_Russian_Econ

    From David P.@21:1/5 to All on Wed Jun 15 23:59:45 2022
    McDonald’s Is Back, Moscow Style, as Russian Economy Stumbles On
    by Anton Troianovski and Ivan Nechepurenko, June 10, 2022, NY Times

    Russia spent much of Putin’s 22 years in power integrating into
    the world economy. Unraveling business ties so large and so
    interwoven, it turns out, is not easy. To be sure, the effects of
    the sanctions will be deep and broad, with the consequences only
    beginning to play out. Living standards in Russia are already
    declining, economists and businesspeople say, and the situation is
    likely to get worse as stocks of imports run low and more companies
    announce layoffs. Some do-it-yourself efforts by Russia may fall
    short of Western standards. When the first post-sanctions model of
    the Lada Granta — a Russian sedan co-produced by Renault before the
    French automaker pulled out this spring — rolled off an assembly line
    at a plant near the Volga on Wednesday, it lacked airbags, modern
    pollution controls or anti-lock brakes. But the economic decline
    is not as precipitous as some experts had expected it would be after
    the Feb. 24 invasion. Inflation is still high, around 17 percent on
    an annual basis, but it has come down from a 20-year peak in April.
    A closely watched measure of factory activity, the S&P Global
    Purchasing Managers’ Index, showed that Russian manufacturing expanded
    in May for the first time since the war began. Behind the positive news
    is a combination of factors playing to Putin’s advantage. Chief among
    them: high energy prices, which are allowing the Kremlin to keep funding
    the war while raising pensions and wages to placate ordinary Russians.
    The country’s oil revenues are up 50% this year.

    In addition, deft work by the Central Bank prevented a panic in the
    financial markets after the invasion and helped the ruble recover
    from its initial crash. Store shelves, for the most part, remain
    stocked, thanks to ample inventories and alternative import routes
    being established through countries like Turkey and Kazakhstan — and
    the fact that Russian consumers are buying less. Even the new Lada
    Granta is less of a clunker than observers predicted: Despite shortages
    of foreign components, it will still come with power steering and
    power windows. “Everything is not as bad as expected,” a Russian
    car website proclaimed.

    The Russian economy’s survival is strengthening Putin’s hand by
    bolstering his narrative that Russia will stand tall in the face of
    the West’s determination to destroy it. He met with young entrepreneurs
    on Thursday in a town-hall-style event, his latest effort to show that
    even as he waged war, he was keen to keep the economy functioning and
    foreign trade moving. Even if the West won't do business with Russia,
    he insisted, the rest of the world will. “We aren't going to have a
    closed economy,” Putin told a woman asking about the effects of
    sanctions. “If someone tries to limit us in something, they are
    limiting themselves.”

    For the rich, luxury goods and iPhones are still widely available,
    but more expensive, ferried into Russia from the Middle East and
    Central Asia. The poor have been affected by rising prices, but they
    will benefit from a 10% increase in pensions and the minimum wage
    that Putin announced last month.

    Those most affected by the economic upheaval are in the urban middle
    class. Foreign goods and services are now harder to come by, Western
    employers are pulling out and travel abroad is becoming difficult and prohibitively expensive. But Natalya Zubarevich, an expert in social
    & political geography at Moscow State U., notes that many middle-class Russians have no choice but to adapt to a lower standard of living:
    At least half of the Russian middle class, she estimates, works for
    the state or for state-owned enterprises. “Sanctions are not going to
    stop the war,” Zubarevich said in a phone interview. “The Russian public will bear it and adapt because it understands that it has no way to
    influence the state.”

    Chris Weafer, a macroeconomic consultant who has long focused on
    Russia, published a note to his clients last week, saying that “some
    of our previous assumptions were wrong.” Inflation, and the economy’s contraction, turned out to be less severe than expected, the note said.
    His firm, Macro-Advisory Eurasia Strategic Consulting, revised its
    forecast to show a smaller decline in gross domestic product this year
    — 5.8% rather than 7% — while also forecasting a recession lasting
    into next year.

    In a phone interview, Weafer described Russia’s economic future as
    “more dull, more debilitating,” with lower incomes, but with basic
    goods & services still available. A major juice company, for instance,
    warned customers that its boxes would soon all be white because of
    a shortage of imported ink. “The economy is now moving into almost
    a stagnant phase where it can avoid a collapse,” he said. “It’s a
    more basic level of economic existence, which Russia can continue
    for quite some time.” On Friday, with inflation stabilizing, Russia’s Central Bank reduced its key interest rate to 9.5% — the level before
    the invasion. On Feb. 28, the bank had raised it to 20% to try to head
    off a financial crisis. The ruble, after plummeting in value in the
    days after the invasion, is now trading at 4-year highs.

    One reason for the ruble’s unexpected strength is that global energy
    demand surged coming out of the pandemic. In June alone, the Russian government is expecting a windfall of more than $6 billion because
    of higher-than-expected energy prices, the Finance Ministry said
    last week. At the same time, Russian consumers have been spending less
    — further propping up the ruble and giving Russian companies time to
    set up new import routes.

    Russian officials acknowledge, however, that the most difficult times
    for the economy may still be to come. Elvira Nabiullina, the central
    bank head, said on Friday that while “the effect of sanctions has not
    been as acute as we feared at the beginning,” it would be “premature
    to say that the full effect of sanctions has manifested itself.”
    For example, it remains unclear how Russian companies will be able
    to obtain microchips used in a wide variety of goods. At Putin’s meeting with entrepreneurs, one developer said he was “very concerned about
    our microelectronics.” Putin cut in: “Me too. Honest.”

    The ties binding Russia’s economy to the West, now coming undone, go
    back decades — sometimes more than a century. Aeroflot, the national carrier, acquired scores of new Boeing and Airbus jets and styled
    itself as a convenient transit airline for people traveling between
    Europe and Asia. In the Ural Mountains, a factory worked with Siemens,
    the German manufacturing giant, to produce modern trains to replace
    rusting Soviet stock. Banned from using European airspace, Aeroflot
    is now focusing on domestic routes and working to switch to Russian
    planes — a process that will take years. Siemens, which built telegraph lines across the Russian Empire in the 1850s and helped bring the
    country into the industrial era, announced last month it was pulling
    out of Russia. “Sanctions suffocate the economy, which doesn’t happen
    all at once,” said Ivan Fedyakov, who runs Infoline, a Russian market consultancy that advises companies on how to survive under the current restrictions. “We have felt only 10-15% of their effect.”

    But when it comes to food, at least, Russia is more prepared. When McDonald’s opened in the Soviet Union in 1990, the Americans had to
    bring in everything. Soviet potatoes were too small to make fries,
    so they had to acquire their own russet potato seeds; Soviet apples
    did not work for the pie, so the company imported them from Bulgaria.
    But by the time McDonald’s pulled out this year, its Russian stores
    were getting almost all of their ingredients from Russian suppliers.
    So when McDonald’s, which employed 62,000 workers in Russia, announced
    in March that it was suspending operations because it could not “ignore
    the needless human suffering unfolding in Ukraine,” one of its Siberian franchisees, Aleksandr Govor, was able to keep his 25 restaurants open.
    Last month, he bought the entire Russian business of McDonald’s for an undisclosed sum.

    On Sunday — Russia Day, a patriotic holiday — he will reopen 15 stores, including the former flagship McDonald’s on Pushkin Square in Moscow,
    the place where, in 1990, thousands of Soviets famously lined up for a
    taste of the West. The chain will operate under a still-to-be-disclosed
    new brand, though the new logo has been unveiled, said to represent a hamburger and French fries. The hash browns will go by a Russian name, according to a menu leaked to a Russian tabloid. And, since the secret
    sauce is proprietary, there will be no Big Mac on offer.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/10/world/europe/russia-economy-mcdonalds.html

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From stoney@21:1/5 to David P. on Fri Jun 17 10:02:06 2022
    On Thursday, June 16, 2022 at 2:59:48 PM UTC+8, David P. wrote:
    McDonald’s Is Back, Moscow Style, as Russian Economy Stumbles On
    by Anton Troianovski and Ivan Nechepurenko, June 10, 2022, NY Times

    Russia spent much of Putin’s 22 years in power integrating into
    the world economy. Unraveling business ties so large and so
    interwoven, it turns out, is not easy. To be sure, the effects of
    the sanctions will be deep and broad, with the consequences only
    beginning to play out. Living standards in Russia are already
    declining, economists and businesspeople say, and the situation is
    likely to get worse as stocks of imports run low and more companies
    announce layoffs. Some do-it-yourself efforts by Russia may fall
    short of Western standards. When the first post-sanctions model of
    the Lada Granta — a Russian sedan co-produced by Renault before the
    French automaker pulled out this spring — rolled off an assembly line
    at a plant near the Volga on Wednesday, it lacked airbags, modern
    pollution controls or anti-lock brakes. But the economic decline
    is not as precipitous as some experts had expected it would be after
    the Feb. 24 invasion. Inflation is still high, around 17 percent on
    an annual basis, but it has come down from a 20-year peak in April.
    A closely watched measure of factory activity, the S&P Global
    Purchasing Managers’ Index, showed that Russian manufacturing expanded
    in May for the first time since the war began. Behind the positive news
    is a combination of factors playing to Putin’s advantage. Chief among them: high energy prices, which are allowing the Kremlin to keep funding
    the war while raising pensions and wages to placate ordinary Russians.
    The country’s oil revenues are up 50% this year.

    In addition, deft work by the Central Bank prevented a panic in the financial markets after the invasion and helped the ruble recover
    from its initial crash. Store shelves, for the most part, remain
    stocked, thanks to ample inventories and alternative import routes
    being established through countries like Turkey and Kazakhstan — and
    the fact that Russian consumers are buying less. Even the new Lada
    Granta is less of a clunker than observers predicted: Despite shortages
    of foreign components, it will still come with power steering and
    power windows. “Everything is not as bad as expected,” a Russian
    car website proclaimed.

    The Russian economy’s survival is strengthening Putin’s hand by bolstering his narrative that Russia will stand tall in the face of
    the West’s determination to destroy it. He met with young entrepreneurs
    on Thursday in a town-hall-style event, his latest effort to show that
    even as he waged war, he was keen to keep the economy functioning and foreign trade moving. Even if the West won't do business with Russia,
    he insisted, the rest of the world will. “We aren't going to have a
    closed economy,” Putin told a woman asking about the effects of
    sanctions. “If someone tries to limit us in something, they are
    limiting themselves.”

    For the rich, luxury goods and iPhones are still widely available,
    but more expensive, ferried into Russia from the Middle East and
    Central Asia. The poor have been affected by rising prices, but they
    will benefit from a 10% increase in pensions and the minimum wage
    that Putin announced last month.

    Those most affected by the economic upheaval are in the urban middle
    class. Foreign goods and services are now harder to come by, Western employers are pulling out and travel abroad is becoming difficult and prohibitively expensive. But Natalya Zubarevich, an expert in social
    & political geography at Moscow State U., notes that many middle-class Russians have no choice but to adapt to a lower standard of living:
    At least half of the Russian middle class, she estimates, works for
    the state or for state-owned enterprises. “Sanctions are not going to
    stop the war,” Zubarevich said in a phone interview. “The Russian public will bear it and adapt because it understands that it has no way to influence the state.”

    Chris Weafer, a macroeconomic consultant who has long focused on
    Russia, published a note to his clients last week, saying that “some
    of our previous assumptions were wrong.” Inflation, and the economy’s contraction, turned out to be less severe than expected, the note said.
    His firm, Macro-Advisory Eurasia Strategic Consulting, revised its
    forecast to show a smaller decline in gross domestic product this year
    — 5.8% rather than 7% — while also forecasting a recession lasting
    into next year.

    In a phone interview, Weafer described Russia’s economic future as
    “more dull, more debilitating,” with lower incomes, but with basic
    goods & services still available. A major juice company, for instance, warned customers that its boxes would soon all be white because of
    a shortage of imported ink. “The economy is now moving into almost
    a stagnant phase where it can avoid a collapse,” he said. “It’s a
    more basic level of economic existence, which Russia can continue
    for quite some time.” On Friday, with inflation stabilizing, Russia’s Central Bank reduced its key interest rate to 9.5% — the level before
    the invasion. On Feb. 28, the bank had raised it to 20% to try to head
    off a financial crisis. The ruble, after plummeting in value in the
    days after the invasion, is now trading at 4-year highs.

    One reason for the ruble’s unexpected strength is that global energy demand surged coming out of the pandemic. In June alone, the Russian government is expecting a windfall of more than $6 billion because
    of higher-than-expected energy prices, the Finance Ministry said
    last week. At the same time, Russian consumers have been spending less
    — further propping up the ruble and giving Russian companies time to
    set up new import routes.

    Russian officials acknowledge, however, that the most difficult times
    for the economy may still be to come. Elvira Nabiullina, the central
    bank head, said on Friday that while “the effect of sanctions has not
    been as acute as we feared at the beginning,” it would be “premature
    to say that the full effect of sanctions has manifested itself.”
    For example, it remains unclear how Russian companies will be able
    to obtain microchips used in a wide variety of goods. At Putin’s meeting with entrepreneurs, one developer said he was “very concerned about
    our microelectronics.” Putin cut in: “Me too. Honest.”

    The ties binding Russia’s economy to the West, now coming undone, go
    back decades — sometimes more than a century. Aeroflot, the national carrier, acquired scores of new Boeing and Airbus jets and styled
    itself as a convenient transit airline for people traveling between
    Europe and Asia. In the Ural Mountains, a factory worked with Siemens,
    the German manufacturing giant, to produce modern trains to replace
    rusting Soviet stock. Banned from using European airspace, Aeroflot
    is now focusing on domestic routes and working to switch to Russian
    planes — a process that will take years. Siemens, which built telegraph lines across the Russian Empire in the 1850s and helped bring the
    country into the industrial era, announced last month it was pulling
    out of Russia. “Sanctions suffocate the economy, which doesn’t happen all at once,” said Ivan Fedyakov, who runs Infoline, a Russian market consultancy that advises companies on how to survive under the current restrictions. “We have felt only 10-15% of their effect.”

    But when it comes to food, at least, Russia is more prepared. When McDonald’s opened in the Soviet Union in 1990, the Americans had to
    bring in everything. Soviet potatoes were too small to make fries,
    so they had to acquire their own russet potato seeds; Soviet apples
    did not work for the pie, so the company imported them from Bulgaria.
    But by the time McDonald’s pulled out this year, its Russian stores
    were getting almost all of their ingredients from Russian suppliers.
    So when McDonald’s, which employed 62,000 workers in Russia, announced
    in March that it was suspending operations because it could not “ignore the needless human suffering unfolding in Ukraine,” one of its Siberian franchisees, Aleksandr Govor, was able to keep his 25 restaurants open.
    Last month, he bought the entire Russian business of McDonald’s for an undisclosed sum.

    On Sunday — Russia Day, a patriotic holiday — he will reopen 15 stores, including the former flagship McDonald’s on Pushkin Square in Moscow,
    the place where, in 1990, thousands of Soviets famously lined up for a
    taste of the West. The chain will operate under a still-to-be-disclosed
    new brand, though the new logo has been unveiled, said to represent a hamburger and French fries. The hash browns will go by a Russian name, according to a menu leaked to a Russian tabloid. And, since the secret
    sauce is proprietary, there will be no Big Mac on offer.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/10/world/europe/russia-economy-mcdonalds.html

    Now that ex franchisee of Macdonald is new owner has the name changed to "Taste", it can still the same tastes as before. With that they can expand more outlets through franchising to different parts Russia. As hamburger is hamburger, there is no patent
    in the product for them to care about, but how to increase product range to suit the variety of taste of its customers. It is literally a log stock and barrel and hence will not bring any changes to its original product taste at all. Hope the acquired
    system in the process of Macdonald hamburger is shared for others to set up similar chain of product chains

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