• Communism Still Haunts Russia

    From David P.@21:1/5 to All on Tue Jun 14 23:05:48 2022
    Communism Still Haunts Russia
    By Robert D. Kaplan, June 8, 2022, WSJ

    Commentary magazine published one of the most important essays of the 20th century in Nov. 1979: “Dictatorships and Double Standards” by Jeane Kirkpatrick, who would go on to become Reagan’s ambassador to the U.N. Right-wing authoritarian regimes,
    she explained, controlled only the levers of power and thus didn’t tamper with the “habitual rhythms” of traditional societies; nor were they bent on revolution. Thus, they left their countries intact. Communist systems and ideology sought to
    remake societies, claiming “jurisdiction over the whole life” of their peoples, and therefore destroyed them utterly from top to bottom for decades to come.

    Though Kirkpatrick’s focus was communist regimes in the Third World, no better example of this can be found than Russia, a superficially Europeanized society that sustained more than 70 years of communism. When the Soviet system finally collapsed in
    1991, the result was not stability but a decade of near-anarchy. With such an inheritance, Vladimir Putin’s tyranny followed organically.

    Mr. Putin has been described accurately as a fascist, owing to his cult of personality and ferocious ultranationalist assault on Ukraine. But as the extreme right and extreme left have always shared uncanny resemblances in their methods of control and
    demonization of enemies, it is also true that Mr. Putin has been Soviet in his style of rule. He has amassed more personal power than any Russian since Stalin.

    Many were naive when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, thinking communism was consigned to an irrecoverable past. The past 3 decades have proved to be a mere false start for Russia because the problems of communism are still with us. The Russian
    Revolution wasn’t preordained. It was a matter of many tenuous and contingent factors. Had Czar Nicholas II remained in power, Russia would likely have evolved into an imperfect constitutional monarchy, not the murderous monstrosity of the past 100
    years. To channel Kirkpatrick again, the right-wing option clearly would have done much less damage to Russia than the left-wing one has.

    Nothing reveals Putin’s Soviet inheritance better than the structure and performance of the Russian army in the Ukraine war. Several years of embedding with U.S. ground forces taught me that a Western army is built around its noncommissioned-officer
    corps: the various sergeants and corporals who impose pride and discipline on the troops. The Russian military that Putin sent into Ukraine barely had an NCO corps. That didn’t matter much for the mercenaries and special-forces units that had fought Mr.
    Putin’s small wars.

    But with the large conventional Russian force in Ukraine, the absence of a strong and competent NCO corps has been decisive. This is why so many Russian generals have been killed: Rather than remain in the rear directing large-scale movements as in a
    Western army, they have been deployed at the front and are therefore vulnerable. An army that is the product of Western democracy decentralizes decision making down through the ranks. An army that is the product of a Soviet system does not.

    A post-Putin Russia is by no means imminent. The West will need to be patient and understanding. Kirkpatrick was herself cautious about imposing democracy on societies that had little experience of it. “In Britain, the road from the Magna Carta to the
    Act of Settlement, to the great Reform Bills of 1832, 1867, and 1885, took seven centuries to traverse,” she wrote. As for American history, it “gives no better grounds for believing that democracy comes easily, quickly, or for the asking.”

    Daniel Patrick Moynihan reminded us that the central conservative truth is that culture, not politics, determines a society’s success. Russian culture remains the victim of a decadeslong revolutionary left-wing regime followed by a Putinesque variation.
    The army’s rot is reflective of dark forces in Russian society and politics at large—forces that would likely reveal themselves in the event of a power vacuum.

    If Putin’s military defeat in Ukraine does ultimately lead to unrest in Moscow, the drama will only heighten. A post-Putin Russia will continue to be Europe’s greatest geopolitical challenge, and so we should be wary about quick fixes in Russian
    society or politics.

    But because Russian bestiality in Ukraine is in part the end result of a century of ideology, it follows that a break from ideology offers the best hope for the future. A day may yet come when the West will have to help Russia. Kirkpatrick, ever the
    hopeful realist, ended her essay thus: “Liberal idealism need not be identical with masochism, and need not be incompatible with the defense of freedom and the national interest.”

    Mr. Kaplan holds a chair in geopolitics at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. His most recent book is “Adriatic: A Concert of Civilizations at the End of the Modern Age.”

    https://www.wsj.com/articles/communism-still-haunts-russia-putin-stalin-czar-nicholas-culture-politics-war-officers-11654698674

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  • From Oleg Smirnov@21:1/5 to All on Wed Jun 15 09:28:37 2022
    Communism Still Haunts Russia
    By Robert D. Kaplan, June 8, 2022, WSJ

    Russia, a superficially Europeanized society

    It's not "Europeanized" and not supposed to be so.

    It's uniquely Russian.

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  • From ltlee1@21:1/5 to David P. on Wed Jun 15 07:38:18 2022
    On Wednesday, June 15, 2022 at 2:05:50 AM UTC-4, David P. wrote:
    Communism Still Haunts Russia
    By Robert D. Kaplan, June 8, 2022, WSJ

    Commentary magazine published one of the most important essays of the 20th century in Nov. 1979: “Dictatorships and Double Standards” by Jeane Kirkpatrick, who would go on to become Reagan’s ambassador to the U.N. Right-wing authoritarian regimes,
    she explained, controlled only the levers of power and thus didn’t tamper with the “habitual rhythms” of traditional societies; nor were they bent on revolution. Thus, they left their countries intact. Communist systems and ideology sought to
    remake societies, claiming “jurisdiction over the whole life” of their peoples, and therefore destroyed them utterly from top to bottom for decades to come.

    Though Kirkpatrick’s focus was communist regimes in the Third World, no better example of this can be found than Russia, a superficially Europeanized society that sustained more than 70 years of communism. When the Soviet system finally collapsed in
    1991, the result was not stability but a decade of near-anarchy. With such an inheritance, Vladimir Putin’s tyranny followed organically.

    Mr. Putin has been described accurately as a fascist, owing to his cult of personality and ferocious ultranationalist assault on Ukraine. But as the extreme right and extreme left have always shared uncanny resemblances in their methods of control and
    demonization of enemies, it is also true that Mr. Putin has been Soviet in his style of rule. He has amassed more personal power than any Russian since Stalin.

    Many were naive when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, thinking communism was consigned to an irrecoverable past. The past 3 decades have proved to be a mere false start for Russia because the problems of communism are still with us. The Russian
    Revolution wasn’t preordained. It was a matter of many tenuous and contingent factors. Had Czar Nicholas II remained in power, Russia would likely have evolved into an imperfect constitutional monarchy, not the murderous monstrosity of the past 100
    years. To channel Kirkpatrick again, the right-wing option clearly would have done much less damage to Russia than the left-wing one has.

    Nothing reveals Putin’s Soviet inheritance better than the structure and performance of the Russian army in the Ukraine war. Several years of embedding with U.S. ground forces taught me that a Western army is built around its noncommissioned-officer
    corps: the various sergeants and corporals who impose pride and discipline on the troops. The Russian military that Putin sent into Ukraine barely had an NCO corps. That didn’t matter much for the mercenaries and special-forces units that had fought Mr.
    Putin’s small wars.

    But with the large conventional Russian force in Ukraine, the absence of a strong and competent NCO corps has been decisive. This is why so many Russian generals have been killed: Rather than remain in the rear directing large-scale movements as in a
    Western army, they have been deployed at the front and are therefore vulnerable. An army that is the product of Western democracy decentralizes decision making down through the ranks. An army that is the product of a Soviet system does not.

    A post-Putin Russia is by no means imminent. The West will need to be patient and understanding. Kirkpatrick was herself cautious about imposing democracy on societies that had little experience of it. “In Britain, the road from the Magna Carta to
    the Act of Settlement, to the great Reform Bills of 1832, 1867, and 1885, took seven centuries to traverse,” she wrote. As for American history, it “gives no better grounds for believing that democracy comes easily, quickly, or for the asking.”

    Daniel Patrick Moynihan reminded us that the central conservative truth is that culture, not politics, determines a society’s success. Russian culture remains the victim of a decadeslong revolutionary left-wing regime followed by a Putinesque
    variation. The army’s rot is reflective of dark forces in Russian society and politics at large—forces that would likely reveal themselves in the event of a power vacuum.

    I would say, the central conservative truth is that democratic culture, not democratic politics determines
    a society's success. In Britain, several centuries of history have proven that it still does not have a solid
    democratic culture. No other nation or culture had lost more subjects/citizens than the UK since WWII.

    If Putin’s military defeat in Ukraine does ultimately lead to unrest in Moscow, the drama will only heighten. A post-Putin Russia will continue to be Europe’s greatest geopolitical challenge, and so we should be wary about quick fixes in Russian
    society or politics.

    But because Russian bestiality in Ukraine is in part the end result of a century of ideology, it follows that a break from ideology offers the best hope for the future. A day may yet come when the West will have to help Russia. Kirkpatrick, ever the
    hopeful realist, ended her essay thus: “Liberal idealism need not be identical with masochism, and need not be incompatible with the defense of freedom and the national interest.”

    Mr. Kaplan holds a chair in geopolitics at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. His most recent book is “Adriatic: A Concert of Civilizations at the End of the Modern Age.”

    https://www.wsj.com/articles/communism-still-haunts-russia-putin-stalin-czar-nicholas-culture-politics-war-officers-11654698674

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  • From David P.@21:1/5 to Oleg Smirnov on Wed Jun 15 13:15:27 2022
    Oleg Smirnov wrote:
    Communism Still Haunts Russia
    By Robert D. Kaplan, June 8, 2022, WSJ
    Russia, a superficially Europeanized society
    It's not "Europeanized" and not supposed to be so.
    It's uniquely Russian.
    =-------------------
    Wherever people live, there's automatically a free market!
    It's just a question of how much of the market the
    political class is gonna hijack! lol
    --
    --

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  • From ltlee1@21:1/5 to Oleg Smirnov on Wed Jun 15 18:11:08 2022
    On Wednesday, June 15, 2022 at 2:29:32 AM UTC-4, Oleg Smirnov wrote:
    Communism Still Haunts Russia
    By Robert D. Kaplan, June 8, 2022, WSJ
    Russia, a superficially Europeanized society
    It's not "Europeanized" and not supposed to be so.

    It's uniquely Russian.

    How about the following depicted in https://eng.globalaffairs.ru/articles/the-pendulum-of-history/ ?

    "Russia and Europe also have radically different understandings of their identities in Greater Europe.
    Russia positions itself as an independent actor in Greater Europe, with identity equal to Europe’s, and
    rejects integration into Europe as its vassal. However, Europe does not accept Russia’s equal identity.
    The EU and NATO, as organizations with collective identities, regard Russia as a stranger rather than
    an equal partner. Russia’s equal status in the EU and NATO in Greater Europe will mean that it will
    have veto power over EU and NATO decisions, which is not acceptable to them. The EU and NATO
    also oppose an equal status for the EEU and the CSTO proposed by Russia. In other words, Russia
    and Europe disagree over what Greater Europe should be like and what roles they should play in it.
    It seems that the Greater Europe plan has intrinsic and insurmountable defects.

    Perhaps the idea of Greater Europe is not dead. It may reappear at some point in the future, but it
    is dead at least for the time being."

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