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The new is not yet born
Nomboniso Gasa
City Press,7 July 2018

Transitions are inherently complex and uncertain. They bear the weight
of expectations at a time when the curtain has not been fully drawn on
the past. This is true of transitions from one regime to another as
well as intra-party leadership change. Often it depends on the
character of the men and women who come to office and those who
depart.

The shredding of the truth

There are many reasons for the fraught nature of transitions. For
example, when the National Party was voted out of office, it is common knowledge that it worked shredding machines to breaking point.

There is a lot of information that was lost and destroyed forever.
Information vital to South Africa’s history and understanding of many apartheid crimes.

Despite meticulous research by top academics and investigative
journalists, there remain many gaps in our country’s collective
memory.

That was the intention of a government exiting after four decades of
inhumane, repressive and brutal rule. Although destruction of
documents is unacceptable, it is easy to fathom why the party did it.

It had strongrooms full of files recording unspeakable atrocities. It
had spies and units the mission of which was dedicated to the
obliteration of liberation movements, creating and fuelling conflict
in communities.

Who can forget the internecine violence in the townships of Cape Town
– Crossroads, Khayelitsha, KTC? Some parts of this land are still
drenched in blood; violence is deeply etched in the land in
KwaZulu-Natal’s townships and the Midlands.

The deadly 1980s remain part of Gauteng’s ugly history, the hostel
dwellers in deadly fights with neighbours in the townships, mine
conflicts, people thrown out of moving trains because they happened to
get on to the “wrong” carriage.

With the help of dogged investigative journalists, such as Jacques
Pauw, Max du Preez and many others, some of apartheid’s operations, as
in Vlakplaas, were unmasked. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission
lifted the lid on other crimes that were hidden from public view.

Yet, despite all that we know today, we know that we do not know
nearly enough and perhaps will never know the full extent of
apartheid’s brutality.

There are crimes which remain hidden, unspoken and unacknowledged.

These took place in rural parts of this country. For example, in a
small sleepy village just outside of Indwe villagers protested against
former Bantustan “Paramount Chief” Kaiser Matanzima. The response was
a series of actions, including scorched-earth tactics. Homestead
kraals were set alight with domestic animals inside. As people tried
to help the bellowing cattle and whimpering sheep trapped in fire,
they noticed that their huts were on fire. Many families lost
everything. To this day many people who were born in that period are
named Nomlilo, after isiganeko, the terrible incident.

The land of Lady Frere and its surrounds is marked by history that
remains unwritten. Human minds are often incapable of coping with so
much trauma. There are important details we have forgotten. With state documents shredded, it is difficult to close the gap between memory,
buried truths and the actions of the apartheid government and its
Bantustans.

From apartheid to democracy

So it was in this void that the Transitional Executive Council stepped
in. Even in that period, files were still being destroyed. Most
importantly, the first republic after apartheid had to use the civil
servants who worked for the previous government.

This was not because the new government was naive. Sometimes the times
in which we live offer us very few choices, if any at all. It was that
a balance had to be struck between the incumbents and the new
bureaucrats. Besides a bloated civil service, in some instances there
might have been other costs – sections of the bureaucracy who did not
accept the agenda of the new government.

By this, I do not imply that everyone who had been apartheid public
servants tried or succeeded in sabotaging the new government. In many
ways, the current conjuncture in the country is as complex as the
transition from apartheid to democratic government.

Graceful exits

When Nelson Mandela’s time to leave office arrived, he honoured his
word to serve one term. Long before he left office, it was clear that
he was paving the way for Thabo Mbeki and gracefully receding into the background.

When Mbeki was recalled after the Polokwane conference, he honoured
the wishes of the party which elected him to high office.

He encouraged his Cabinet colleagues and those who were loyal to him,
to put party and state above their personal grievances. He left behind
solid state institutions and systems. Whatever the criticisms of
Mbeki’s leadership style and policies, no one can deny his dignity in
facing humiliation, sometimes at the hands of people he had groomed
and helped grow in stature and office. Once he left office, Mbeki
spent a long time away from domestic politics and allowed the new team
to lead.

Ramaphosa’s albatross

Cyril Ramaphosa has not had a similar space.

His leadership, which he won by a small margin, was contested from the
outset. Intra-party contestations can be brutal. There is horse
trading, back stabbing and compromise to hold the party together. Some
of the compromises have far-reaching negative consequences with little
returns.

This is obvious in the way former president Jacob Zuma has conducted
himself since he left office. He has made it clear that his presence
looms large. Many of his lieutenants remain in office today.

They pledge loyalty to the ANC and its president. In reality, they are
loyal to themselves and probably Zuma.

While steps are afoot to clean the administration and to build
institutions that were hollowed out during the Zuma period, it is
impossible to move more quickly. Many of Zuma’s people remain in key positions.

Even if they wanted to change, they are conscious of many ways in
which they are deeply compromised. It is a matter of public record
that many disreputable ministers from the Zuma era are serving in this administration. They are now part of Ramaphosa’s headache and will be
linked to his legacy.

As Zuma saw his days were coming to an end, he booby trapped Ramaphosa
with the land question and free higher education, which increased the
deficit by billions, knowing that the state was bankrupt.

His populism paid off – it increased Ramaphosa’s difficulties. There
are many issues facing the Ramaphosa-led government. Health is hanging
by a thread. Education, especially basic education, is in a desperate
state.

Strong vision needed

It is time for Ramaphosa to take decisive steps. He does not have
sufficient time left. Generally, the early months in office set the
tone. He and his team have taken important decisions and established
the SA Revenue Service commission of inquiry into state capture and
other important steps relating to state-owned entities (SOEs).

But this administration needs to develop a strong vision and
communicate it. We need to know what the substantive difference
between this period and the Zuma era is, as it affects people’s lives.
A solid programme with clear time frames, deliverables and
consequences will show us this administration is committed to act in
the interests of the people.

Not the only game in town

Land is one of the first issues that should be looked at closely. That Parliament is busy with public hearings on section 25 does not mean
other programmes must stop. South Africans deserve to know the state
of various land programmes.

A thorough audit of efficacy and rationalisation of programmes and
policies of the rural development and land reform department is long
overdue. Whether this is done by a special swat team or by officials
depends on how the administration sees this strategic issue. Existing
land claims must be finalised and land given to its rightful owners.
These delays have been painful for families and communities who have
been waiting for decades. This must be addressed with the urgency it
deserves.

In 2016 I met a man who has 365-plus cattle and a large number of
sheep. He did not want a government handout. He wanted help to get a
farm through a loan. By all standards, he qualifies for a farm under
land redistribution, but his pleas to Bisho fell on deaf ears. He was
not the only one. After the meeting, we stood in the hot sun,
listening to people who spoke of seeing government trucks with
fertilisers skipping their communities and delivering these to
“special farms” in the area. These people had put everything they had
into their projects, yet they did not receive government assistance.
They, too, watched water tanks driving past to deliver water to other
farms while their vegetables were dying because of drought.

Rebuild the state

The current conjuncture is difficult, both at the intra- party and
state level. It is important that this administration finds ways of
dealing with the issues that are pressing for South Africans,
especially poor people, in whose name much is done.

Strengthening institutions, administrative instruments and building
capacity of the state are all important.

The Ramaphosa-led government will succeed only if it goes back to the
drawing board and looks at the fundamental issue of statecraft.

Are the institutions in place aligned with the vision that will take
us out of the mess left behind by the previous administration? What
needs to be realigned, changed and fixed? What human resources are
needed?

There are institutions and functions that are weak, such as the Deeds
Office and Land Administration. These require attention because they
are critical to a functioning state.

Two weeks ago a friend told me of a horrendous experience at her local
home affairs office. When she asked why people were told to arrive at
5am, three hours before the office opened, she was told “it is because
of cutbacks. We have fewer stations and do not have mobile units.”
Yet, these same officials close at 2.30pm and leave throngs of
unserved people.

And why should they not? The callousness (that started with apartheid
and continued under Zuma and still does today) starts at the top. The
actions of our leaders send a message that it is okay to treat people
with contempt.

It is up to the people

Regrettably, Zuma is gone but he is also present, and he is still
multiplying. In the interregnum, not only are the morbid symptoms
alive, not only is the new not yet born, but new dysfunctionalities
and opportunism threaten to kill whatever hope we have of digging
ourselves out of this mess.

We all fear the ever-present, greedy hand of Zuma and his Gupta
friends. The only way we can prevent that setback is through focusing
on what needs to be done now. Yes, the president might have to tread
lightly, but there is a need for balance and it must tilt towards the
people. Ultimately, it is the people, if they are organised to act,
who can stop the tide of populist demagoguery which is being visited
on the republic.

* 

Nomboniso Gasa is Adjunct Professor at School of Public Law at the
University of Cape Town and a Senior Research Associate at UCT. Her
work focussed on Land, Politics, Gender and Cultural issues. Prof.
Gasa has a long history in politics and women’s rights activism
extending before the dawn of democracy in South Africa. She has
published widely, in newspapers & academic journals.*****


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