• Re: Unless Israel changes course, it could be legally culpable for mass

    From dolf@21:1/5 to NefeshBarYochai on Wed Feb 7 20:42:05 2024
    XPost: uk.legal, soc.culture.jewish, alt.revisionism
    XPost: alt.politics.republicans

    As a person of Dutch heritage and first discoverers (eg: pewter plate of 26 October 1616 as reconciled to first mind from before the Bronze Age) who
    regard first principles of sovereignty, we are aghast at the cultural misappropriation.

    The fact is Terra Australis incognita was conveyed by Captain Cook as new holland and the mistaken assertion that there was no prior discovery south
    of Melbourne (ie the latitude) was the basis of a claim for the British sovereign which ignored the fact of Van Dieman's land.

    Palestinian protestors ought to stop their genocide of Dutch identity and history.

    Do you realise that this designation by Twitter (X) as PERSECUTION is due
    to my on two occasions having repeatedly responded to anti-Semitic
    propaganda as slander given I was aware that Hitler's TABLE TALK was being deployed as a manual for war--such evidence as IDEA #303 - NEW YORK SKY SCRAPERS VULNERABLE TO AIR ATTACK as schema action and is reconnaissance of
    the terrorist event 11 September 2001 have been reported by me to defence, American consulate, department of foreign affairs and my federal parliament member.

    Such shameful conduct by Twitter (X) as a vehicle for ISLAMIC / NAZIS / AL
    ASQA FLOOD propaganda ought to be a criminal offence prosecuted by the US GOVERNMENT.

    <http://www.grapple369.com/Groundwork/Refutation%20of%20Religio-Fascism.pdf>

    NefeshBarYochai <void@invalid.noy> wrote:

    by Alex de Waal

    Gaza is experiencing mass starvation like no other in recent history.
    Before the outbreak of fighting in October, food security in Gaza was precarious, but very few children – less than 1% – suffered severe
    acute malnutrition, the most dangerous kind. Today, almost all Gazans,
    of any age, anywhere in the territory, are at risk.

    There is no instance since the second world war in which an entire
    population has been reduced to extreme hunger and destitution with
    such speed. And there’s no case in which the international obligation
    to stop it has been so clear.

    These facts underpinned South Africa’s recent case against Israel at
    the international court of justice. The international genocide
    convention, article 2c, prohibits “deliberately inflicting [on a
    group] conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
    destruction in whole or in part”.

    In ordering provisional measures to prevent potential genocide last
    Friday, the ICJ didn’t rule on whether Israel is actually committing genocide – that will take years of deliberation – but the judges made
    it clear that the people of Gaza face “conditions of life” in which
    their survival is in question. Even Justice Aharon Barak, appointed by
    Israel to sit on the panel, voted in favour of immediate humanitarian
    relief.

    But a humanitarian disaster such as Gaza’s today is like a speeding
    freight train. Even if the driver puts on the brakes, its momentum
    will take it many miles before it stops. Palestinian children in Gaza
    will die, in the thousands, even if the barriers to aid are lifted
    today.

    Starvation is a process. Famine can be its ultimate outcome, unless
    stopped in time. The methodology used to categorize food emergencies
    is called the integrated food security phase classification system, or
    IPC. It’s a five-point scale, running from normal (phase 1), stressed, crisis, and emergency, to catastrophe/famine (phase 5).

    In categorizing food emergencies, the IPC draws on three measurements: families’ access to food; child malnutrition; and the numbers of
    people dying over and above normal rates. “Emergency” (phase 4)
    already sees children dying. For a famine declaration, all three
    measures need to pass a certain threshold; if only one is in that
    zone, it’s “catastrophe”.

    The IPC’s famine review committee is an independent group of experts
    who assess evidence for the most extreme food crises, akin to a high
    court of the world humanitarian system. The committee has already
    assessed that the entirety of Gaza is under conditions of “emergency”.
    Many areas in the territory are already in “catastrophe”, it said, and might reach “famine” by early February.

    Yet whether or not conditions are bad enough for an official
    declaration of “famine” is less important than the situation today,
    which is already killing children. Bear in mind that malnutrition
    makes humans’ immune systems more vulnerable to diseases sparked by
    lack of clean water and sanitation, and that those diseases are
    accelerated by overcrowding in unhealthy camps.

    Since the IPC was adopted 20 years ago, there have been major food emergencies in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
    Ethiopia’s Tigray region, north-east Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan,
    Sudan and Yemen. Compared to Gaza, these have unfolded slowly, over
    periods of a year or more. They have stricken larger populations
    spread over wider areas. Hundreds of thousands died, most of them in emergencies that didn’t cross the bar of famine.

    And in the most notorious famines of the late 20th century – in China, Cambodia, Nigeria’s Biafra and Ethiopia – the numbers who died were
    far higher, but the starvation was also slower and more dispersed.

    Never before Gaza have today’s humanitarian professionals seen such a
    high proportion of the population descend so rapidly towards
    catastrophe.

    All modern famines are directly or indirectly man-made – sometimes by indifference to suffering or dysfunction, other times by war crimes,
    and in a few cases by genocide.

    The Rome statute of the international criminal court, article
    8(2)(b)(xxv), defines the war crime of starvation as “intentionally
    using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare by depriving them
    of objects indispensable to their survival, including wilfully
    impeding relief supplies as provided for under the Geneva
    conventions”.

    The main element of the crime is destruction and deprivation, not just
    of food but of anything needed to sustain life, such as medicine,
    clean water and shelter. Legally speaking, starvation can constitute
    genocide or war crimes even if it doesn’t include outright famine.
    People don’t have to die of hunger; the act of deprivation is enough.

    Many wars are starvation crime scenes. In Sudan and South Sudan, it’s widespread looting by marauding militia. In Ethiopia’s Tigray, farms, factories, schools and hospitals were vandalized and burned, far in
    excess of any military logic. In Yemen, most of the country was put
    under starvation blockade. In Syria, the regime besieged cities,
    demanding they “surrender or starve”.

    The level of destruction of hospitals, water systems and housing in
    Gaza, as well as restrictions of trade, employment and aid, surpasses
    any of these cases.

    It may be true, as Israel claims, that Hamas is using hospitals and residential neighbourhoods for its own war effort. But that doesn’t exonerate Israel. Much of Israel’s destruction of Gazan infrastructure appears to be away from zones of active combat and in excess of what
    is proportionate to military necessity.

    The most extreme historical cases – such as Stalin’s Holodomor in
    Ukraine in the 1930s and the Nazi “hunger plan” on the eastern front
    during the second world war – were genocidal famines at immense scale.
    Gaza doesn’t approach these, but Israel will need to act decisively if
    it is to escape the charge of having used hunger to exterminate the Palestinians. Starvation is a massacre in slow motion. And unlike
    shooting or bombing, the dying continues for weeks even if killing is
    halted.

    This is the challenge facing the UN security council when it will soon
    debate the ICJ’s provisional orders to Israel. Just allowing in aid
    and putting some restraints on Israel’s military action are not going
    to stop this thundering train of catastrophe quickly enough.

    More than a month ago, the famine review committee wrote: “The
    cessation of hostilities and the restoration of humanitarian space to
    deliver this multi-sectoral assistance and restore services are
    essential first steps in eliminating any risk of famine.” In other
    words, an immediate end to fighting is essential to prevent a
    calamitous toll that may far exceed the numbers killed by violence.

    That’s the operative line. For the survival of the people of Gaza
    today, it doesn’t matter whether Israel intends genocide or not.
    Unless Israel follows the famine relief committee recommendations, it
    will knowingly cause mass death by hunger and disease. That’s a
    starvation crime.

    And if the US and UK fail to use every possible lever to stop the catastrophe, they will be complicit.

    Alex de Waal is the executive director of the World Peace Foundation
    at Tufts University and the author of Mass Starvation: The History and
    Future of Famine


    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/jan/31/israel-gaza-starvation-international-law





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    Check out our SAVVY module prototype that facilitates a movable / resizable DIALOG and complex dropdown MENU interface deploying the third party d3 library.

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    <http://www.grapple369.com/Savvy/Savvy.zip> (Download resources)

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  • From dolf@21:1/5 to NefeshBarYochai on Wed Feb 7 20:46:58 2024
    XPost: uk.legal, soc.culture.jewish, alt.revisionism
    XPost: alt.politics.republicans

    As a person of Dutch heritage and first discoverers (eg: pewter plate of 26 October 1616 as reconciled to first mind from before the Bronze Age) who
    regard first principles of sovereignty, we are aghast at the cultural misappropriation.

    The fact is Terra Australis incognita was conveyed by Captain Cook as new holland and the mistaken assertion that there was no prior discovery south
    of Melbourne (ie the latitude) was the basis of a claim for the British sovereign which ignored the fact of Van Dieman's land.

    Palestinian protestors ought to stop their genocide of Dutch identity and history.

    Do you realise that this designation by Twitter (X) as PERSECUTION:

    I QUOTE 7 FEBRUARY 2024 NOTICE: "WHY DOES MY ACCOUNT HAVE A LABEL?

    We have found that YOUR ACCOUNT MAY CONTAIN SPAM OR BE ENGAGING IN OTHER
    TYPES OF PLATFORM MANIPULATION. YOU MAY NOT USE X'S SERVICES IN A MANNER INTENDED TO ARTIFICIALLY AMPLIFY, SUPPRESS INFORMATION, or engage in
    behavior that manipulates or disrupts people's experience or platform manipulation defenses on X."

    Is due to my on two occasions having repeatedly responded to anti-Semitic propaganda as slander given I was aware that Hitler's TABLE TALK was being deployed as a manual for war--such evidence as IDEA #303 - NEW YORK SKY SCRAPERS VULNERABLE TO AIR ATTACK as schema action and is reconnaissance of
    the terrorist event 11 September 2001 have been reported by me to defence, American consulate, department of foreign affairs and my federal parliament member.

    Such shameful conduct by Twitter (X) as a vehicle for ISLAMIC / NAZIS / AL
    ASQA FLOOD propaganda ought to be a criminal offence prosecuted by the US GOVERNMENT.

    <http://www.grapple369.com/Groundwork/Refutation%20of%20Religio-Fascism.pdf>

    NefeshBarYochai <void@invalid.noy> wrote:

    by Alex de Waal

    Gaza is experiencing mass starvation like no other in recent history.
    Before the outbreak of fighting in October, food security in Gaza was precarious, but very few children – less than 1% – suffered severe
    acute malnutrition, the most dangerous kind. Today, almost all Gazans,
    of any age, anywhere in the territory, are at risk.

    There is no instance since the second world war in which an entire
    population has been reduced to extreme hunger and destitution with
    such speed. And there’s no case in which the international obligation
    to stop it has been so clear.

    These facts underpinned South Africa’s recent case against Israel at
    the international court of justice. The international genocide
    convention, article 2c, prohibits “deliberately inflicting [on a
    group] conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
    destruction in whole or in part”.

    In ordering provisional measures to prevent potential genocide last
    Friday, the ICJ didn’t rule on whether Israel is actually committing genocide – that will take years of deliberation – but the judges made
    it clear that the people of Gaza face “conditions of life” in which
    their survival is in question. Even Justice Aharon Barak, appointed by
    Israel to sit on the panel, voted in favour of immediate humanitarian
    relief.

    But a humanitarian disaster such as Gaza’s today is like a speeding
    freight train. Even if the driver puts on the brakes, its momentum
    will take it many miles before it stops. Palestinian children in Gaza
    will die, in the thousands, even if the barriers to aid are lifted
    today.

    Starvation is a process. Famine can be its ultimate outcome, unless
    stopped in time. The methodology used to categorize food emergencies
    is called the integrated food security phase classification system, or
    IPC. It’s a five-point scale, running from normal (phase 1), stressed, crisis, and emergency, to catastrophe/famine (phase 5).

    In categorizing food emergencies, the IPC draws on three measurements: families’ access to food; child malnutrition; and the numbers of
    people dying over and above normal rates. “Emergency” (phase 4)
    already sees children dying. For a famine declaration, all three
    measures need to pass a certain threshold; if only one is in that
    zone, it’s “catastrophe”.

    The IPC’s famine review committee is an independent group of experts
    who assess evidence for the most extreme food crises, akin to a high
    court of the world humanitarian system. The committee has already
    assessed that the entirety of Gaza is under conditions of “emergency”.
    Many areas in the territory are already in “catastrophe”, it said, and might reach “famine” by early February.

    Yet whether or not conditions are bad enough for an official
    declaration of “famine” is less important than the situation today,
    which is already killing children. Bear in mind that malnutrition
    makes humans’ immune systems more vulnerable to diseases sparked by
    lack of clean water and sanitation, and that those diseases are
    accelerated by overcrowding in unhealthy camps.

    Since the IPC was adopted 20 years ago, there have been major food emergencies in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
    Ethiopia’s Tigray region, north-east Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan,
    Sudan and Yemen. Compared to Gaza, these have unfolded slowly, over
    periods of a year or more. They have stricken larger populations
    spread over wider areas. Hundreds of thousands died, most of them in emergencies that didn’t cross the bar of famine.

    And in the most notorious famines of the late 20th century – in China, Cambodia, Nigeria’s Biafra and Ethiopia – the numbers who died were
    far higher, but the starvation was also slower and more dispersed.

    Never before Gaza have today’s humanitarian professionals seen such a
    high proportion of the population descend so rapidly towards
    catastrophe.

    All modern famines are directly or indirectly man-made – sometimes by indifference to suffering or dysfunction, other times by war crimes,
    and in a few cases by genocide.

    The Rome statute of the international criminal court, article
    8(2)(b)(xxv), defines the war crime of starvation as “intentionally
    using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare by depriving them
    of objects indispensable to their survival, including wilfully
    impeding relief supplies as provided for under the Geneva
    conventions”.

    The main element of the crime is destruction and deprivation, not just
    of food but of anything needed to sustain life, such as medicine,
    clean water and shelter. Legally speaking, starvation can constitute
    genocide or war crimes even if it doesn’t include outright famine.
    People don’t have to die of hunger; the act of deprivation is enough.

    Many wars are starvation crime scenes. In Sudan and South Sudan, it’s widespread looting by marauding militia. In Ethiopia’s Tigray, farms, factories, schools and hospitals were vandalized and burned, far in
    excess of any military logic. In Yemen, most of the country was put
    under starvation blockade. In Syria, the regime besieged cities,
    demanding they “surrender or starve”.

    The level of destruction of hospitals, water systems and housing in
    Gaza, as well as restrictions of trade, employment and aid, surpasses
    any of these cases.

    It may be true, as Israel claims, that Hamas is using hospitals and residential neighbourhoods for its own war effort. But that doesn’t exonerate Israel. Much of Israel’s destruction of Gazan infrastructure appears to be away from zones of active combat and in excess of what
    is proportionate to military necessity.

    The most extreme historical cases – such as Stalin’s Holodomor in
    Ukraine in the 1930s and the Nazi “hunger plan” on the eastern front
    during the second world war – were genocidal famines at immense scale.
    Gaza doesn’t approach these, but Israel will need to act decisively if
    it is to escape the charge of having used hunger to exterminate the Palestinians. Starvation is a massacre in slow motion. And unlike
    shooting or bombing, the dying continues for weeks even if killing is
    halted.

    This is the challenge facing the UN security council when it will soon
    debate the ICJ’s provisional orders to Israel. Just allowing in aid
    and putting some restraints on Israel’s military action are not going
    to stop this thundering train of catastrophe quickly enough.

    More than a month ago, the famine review committee wrote: “The
    cessation of hostilities and the restoration of humanitarian space to
    deliver this multi-sectoral assistance and restore services are
    essential first steps in eliminating any risk of famine.” In other
    words, an immediate end to fighting is essential to prevent a
    calamitous toll that may far exceed the numbers killed by violence.

    That’s the operative line. For the survival of the people of Gaza
    today, it doesn’t matter whether Israel intends genocide or not.
    Unless Israel follows the famine relief committee recommendations, it
    will knowingly cause mass death by hunger and disease. That’s a
    starvation crime.

    And if the US and UK fail to use every possible lever to stop the catastrophe, they will be complicit.

    Alex de Waal is the executive director of the World Peace Foundation
    at Tufts University and the author of Mass Starvation: The History and
    Future of Famine


    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/jan/31/israel-gaza-starvation-international-law





    --

    Check out our SAVVY module prototype that facilitates a movable / resizable DIALOG and complex dropdown MENU interface deploying the third party d3 library.

    <http://www.grapple369.com/Savvy/?heuristic>

    <http://www.grapple369.com/Savvy/Savvy.zip> (Download resources)

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)