• Re: Results for Voting secrecy

    From felix.lechner@lease-up.com@21:1/5 to All on Sun Mar 27 19:40:01 2022
    Dear Mr. Secretary,

    As a Second for the winning Option 2, I was personally happy with last
    night's vote, but I nonetheless object to your certification of these
    tentative results:

    Option 2 defeats Option 3 by ( 142 - 107) = 35 votes.
    Option 2 defeats Option 4 by ( 185 - 61) = 124 votes.

    Would you please explain why Option 2 defeated NOTA by 124 votes but at
    the same time defeated Option 3, which was identical to NOTA, by only 35
    votes?

    Did 89 folks vote 3-2-NOTA (or a variation thereof involving Option 1)?

    If so, did Option 2 pass the majority test only because Option 3 was
    available separately?

    I believe the vote should be redone.

    A repeat without Option 3 is needed so that your certified results can
    properly reflect the electorate's position with respect to the question
    posed on the ballot while also honoring our constitutional majority requirement.

    Thank you!

    Respectfully,
    Felix Lechner

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  • From Kurt Roeckx@21:1/5 to felix.lechner@lease-up.com on Sun Mar 27 20:10:01 2022
    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 10:31:44AM -0700, felix.lechner@lease-up.com wrote:
    Dear Mr. Secretary,

    As a Second for the winning Option 2, I was personally happy with last night's vote, but I nonetheless object to your certification of these tentative results:

    Option 2 defeats Option 3 by ( 142 - 107) = 35 votes.
    Option 2 defeats Option 4 by ( 185 - 61) = 124 votes.

    Would you please explain why Option 2 defeated NOTA by 124 votes but at
    the same time defeated Option 3, which was identical to NOTA, by only 35 votes?

    Clearly people don't think it's identical, otherwise it would not have
    been an option, or people would have voted it equally.

    If so, did Option 2 pass the majority test only because Option 3 was available separately?

    Option 3 has no effect on the majority results. The options are compared
    to the NOTA option.

    I believe the vote should be redone.

    I currently don't see anything wrong with this vote, so I see no reason
    to redo it.


    Kurt

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  • From Andrey Rahmatullin@21:1/5 to Kurt Roeckx on Sun Mar 27 20:40:01 2022
    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 08:03:35PM +0200, Kurt Roeckx wrote:
    Would you please explain why Option 2 defeated NOTA by 124 votes but at
    the same time defeated Option 3, which was identical to NOTA, by only 35 votes?

    Clearly people don't think it's identical, otherwise it would not have
    been an option, or people would have voted it equally.
    (as far as I can see, 90% of voters preferred one of these options to the
    other one)

    --
    WBR, wRAR

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  • From Russ Allbery@21:1/5 to felix.lechner@lease-up.com on Sun Mar 27 20:20:01 2022
    felix.lechner@lease-up.com writes:

    I believe the vote should be redone.

    A repeat without Option 3 is needed so that your certified results can properly reflect the electorate's position with respect to the question
    posed on the ballot while also honoring our constitutional majority requirement.

    Speaking solely to procedure rather than merits, I don't see any
    constitutional path for this to be done. Assuming the votes are correctly recorded (and I don't see any reason to doubt that they are), I believe
    this would go beyond the powers of the Project Secretary. We do not have
    a constitutional mechanism to re-run a vote because someone believes the
    range of options and their interaction with supermajority requirements was potentially confusing to voters.

    The constitution is quite explicit that supermajority requirements are
    only counted against the default option, not against other ballot options.
    (See A.5.3.)

    You could, of course, propose a remedy or forward-looking fix, such as prohibiting mixing options with different supermajority requirements on a single ballot (which would fix this potential problem and several other problems that have been noted over the years at the cost of requiring
    multiple rounds of voting to resolve some GRs). But that would require a constitutional change and thus another GR with a 3:1 majority.

    --
    Russ Allbery (rra@debian.org) <https://www.eyrie.org/~eagle/>

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  • From Paul Tagliamonte@21:1/5 to All on Sun Mar 27 22:50:01 2022
    Please reconsider. Otherwise the project's sole alternative may be to
    replace the Project Secretary.


    Let me get this straight --

    You (a seconder of the winning option) now believe that we need to stop and re-open
    discussion on a closed matter that the whole project voted on (which I
    believe you've
    been a staunch advocate for in the past - GRs are good, democracy, etc, right?),
    single-handedly overturning the results, because you now have changed your views
    on your own amendment that won, and you now believe the constitution is weakened
    such that you're now threatening to remove the Secretary because you
    disagree with
    their reading of the rules (who's executed the role of reading those rules since 2009
    without prior issue) that is their role in the project to read?

    Just checking. Do I have that right?

    Paul



    --
    :wq

    <div dir="ltr"><div class="gmail_quote"><div><br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">Please reconsider. Otherwise the project&#39;s sole alternative may be to<br>
    replace the Project Secretary.<br></blockquote></div><div><br></div><div>Let me get this straight --<br></div><div><br class="gmail-Apple-interchange-newline">You (a seconder of the winning option) now believe that we need to stop and re-open</div><div>
    discussion on a closed matter  that the whole project voted on (which I believe you&#39;ve</div><div>been a staunch advocate for in the past - GRs are good, democracy, etc, right?),</div><div>single-handedly overturning the results, because you now have
    changed your views</div><div>on your own amendment that won, and you now believe the constitution is weakened</div><div>such that you&#39;re now threatening to remove the Secretary because you disagree with</div><div>their reading of the rules (who&#39;
    s executed the role of reading those rules since 2009</div><div>without prior issue) that is their role in the project to read?</div><div><br></div><div>Just checking. Do I have that right?</div><div><br></div><div>  Paul</div><div><br></div><div><br></
    <div><br></div>-- <br><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_signature">:wq</div></div>

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  • From Felix Lechner@21:1/5 to kurt@roeckx.be on Sun Mar 27 22:40:01 2022
    Hi Kurt,

    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 11:03 AM Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> wrote:

    Clearly people don't think it's identical, otherwise it would not have
    been an option, or people would have voted it equally.

    People were confused.

    Given the stated intent of Option 3 that "early 2022 is not the time
    for rushed changes like this", the Secretary should not have admitted
    that option to the ballot. It inadvertently weakened the
    constitutional protection against changes to the constitution.

    The constitution is the project's foundational document.

    Neither the option's proponents nor the voters understood the
    deleterious effect. (Nor did I.) At a minimum, the public was entitled
    to a warning from the Project Secretary.

    The vote was procedurally defective.

    Option 3 has no effect on the majority results. The options are compared
    to the NOTA option.

    Folks opposing "secret votes" should never have placed Option 2 ahead
    of NOTA, and would not have done so if Option 3 had been absent.

    I do not believe it is possible to reconstruct the electorate's intent
    solely from the beat matrix. A better approximation, however, would be
    to also consider the 107 votes who placed Option 3 ahead of Option 2
    in the latter's majority test. That would yield 185 / (61 + 107) = 1.1
    which is less than the factor of 3 mandated by section 4.1.2 of the constitution.

    As far as I can see, the result is unconstitutional and thus invalid.

    I currently don't see anything wrong with this vote, so I see no reason
    to redo it.

    Please reconsider. Otherwise the project's sole alternative may be to
    replace the Project Secretary.

    Thank you!

    Kind regards,
    Felix Lechner

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  • From Russ Allbery@21:1/5 to Felix Lechner on Sun Mar 27 23:30:01 2022
    Felix Lechner <felix.lechner@lease-up.com> writes:

    Given the stated intent of Option 3 that "early 2022 is not the time for rushed changes like this", the Secretary should not have admitted that
    option to the ballot. It inadvertently weakened the constitutional
    protection against changes to the constitution.

    The Project Secretary does not have discretion over which options are
    admitted to the ballot.

    The vote was procedurally defective.

    I don't see any basis in the constitution for this assertion, nor have you cited any.

    Folks opposing "secret votes" should never have placed Option 2 ahead of NOTA, and would not have done so if Option 3 had been absent.

    I do not believe you have enough information to make this assertion with complete confidence. For example, a vote of option 3 ahead of option 2
    and option 2 ahead of NOTA is the correct and proper way of recording the opinion that they would prefer not to have secret votes but don't believe
    that secret votes should be blocked solely due to a supermajority
    requirement if they are otherwise the preference of the project's
    majority.

    I have no idea how many people hold that position. I doubt it's all of
    the people voting that order, but it's not an irrational position to hold.

    Regardless, it doesn't matter procedurally. The remedy that you're asking
    for doesn't exist in the constitution. The remedy available to you if you believe the outcome of this vote doesn't align with the true voter
    preferences is to propose a GR to reverse it or to make changes to the constitution allowing its reversal via other means.

    I agree with you that the interaction between options requiring a
    supermajority and options not requiring a supermajority is unintuitive.
    We've had multiple discussions about that over the years, including
    various hypothetical examples where the results could violate various desireable voting properties, particularly independence of irrelevant alternatives (which I think is what you're raising here). So far, the
    project has chosen not to make any changes on this basis, mostly because I don't think anyone has been able to come up with a fix that still
    preserves the property of resolving a GR with a single vote.

    For what it's worth, issues like this are why I dislike the common Debian practice of putting options on the ballot that have the procedural effect
    of NOTA plus an additional statement and generally vote them below NOTA
    (as I did here). However, I have been unable to convince people to stop
    doing this in the past and have therefore stopped trying. (And I suppose
    I should note that if people followed my advice, there would be no way of voting the position that they prefer not to have secret votes but don't
    think it should be blocked by supermajority requirements, so I guess
    that's an argument for such ballot options.)

    Please reconsider. Otherwise the project's sole alternative may be to
    replace the Project Secretary.

    This is an absurd escalation when you have no procedural basis for what
    you're demanding, and it's quite concerning coming from someone who is currently standing for DPL. It's also pointless; anyone else who replaces
    the Project Secretary will have to do the same thing. The discretion
    you're asking for simply does not exist in the constitution.

    --
    Russ Allbery (rra@debian.org) <https://www.eyrie.org/~eagle/>

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  • From Felix Lechner@21:1/5 to rra@debian.org on Mon Mar 28 01:40:01 2022
    Hi Russ,

    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 2:29 PM Russ Allbery <rra@debian.org> wrote:

    I do not believe you have enough information to make this assertion with complete confidence.

    That is correct, and I will at this point wait until affected parties,
    if any, speak up.

    Meanwhile, the uncertainty you and I both suffer would be resolved by
    a simple redo of the vote with a ballot that carries the appropriate
    warning. That is all I asked for.

    Regardless, it doesn't matter procedurally. The remedy that you're asking for doesn't exist in the constitution.

    I suppose you and Kurt are saying that the denominator in the majority calculation is so exactly described that there is no room to read any protective spirit into the language of the constitution.

    This is an absurd escalation when you have no procedural basis for what you're demanding, and it's quite concerning coming from someone who is currently standing for DPL. It's also pointless; anyone else who replaces the Project Secretary will have to do the same thing. The discretion
    you're asking for simply does not exist in the constitution.

    Well, I see it the other way around. As the only elected office in
    Debian, the project leader is the sole respondent to the public.
    Everyone else is appointed (and not elected). No other office is so
    deeply vested with making sure that the people feel truly represented.

    As for my qualification for office, I perceive it as the project
    leader's duty to serve everyone, including any people with whom I
    disagree. That's all I am doing here. As noted, I am personally in
    favor of the constitutional change the Secretary is about to certify.

    And as far as I am concerned, I did not escalate. I really do not
    believe the project has other appropriate remedies. In any event, I
    didn't mean to come across as threatening—especially not to Kurt.

    In the US, procedural objections are always short and direct (because
    they have to be timely). Compared to the cultural norms in Europe or
    Asia, I probably should have exercised greater restraint. Sorry, Kurt.

    In summary, I am fine with the proceedings here as long as no folks
    opposing secret votes felt cheated today. Let's stop arguing and see
    if anyone speaks up.

    Thank you for the valuable background on your interpretation of the constitution!

    Kind regards,
    Felix Lechner

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  • From Christian Kastner@21:1/5 to felix.lechner@lease-up.com on Mon Mar 28 01:40:01 2022
    On 2022-03-27 19:31, felix.lechner@lease-up.com wrote:
    Would you please explain why Option 2 defeated NOTA by 124 votes but at
    the same time defeated Option 3, which was identical to NOTA, by only 35 votes?

    This seems to be inline with what the proposer intended, though. From
    the text of Choice 3:

    [...] which is also why I explicitly want to see "keep the status
    quo" on the ballot, and not only as "NOTA", but as a real option.
    Best,
    Christian

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  • From Russ Allbery@21:1/5 to Felix Lechner on Mon Mar 28 02:40:01 2022
    Felix Lechner <felix.lechner@lease-up.com> writes:

    I suppose you and Kurt are saying that the denominator in the majority calculation is so exactly described that there is no room to read any protective spirit into the language of the constitution.

    This is what I'm saying. Obviously I can't speak for Kurt.

    Debian is a project that is run according to a set of rules that we have collectively agreed to follow. Those rules, when it comes to determining
    the outcome of a vote, are straightforward and unambiguous (if not exactly simple). They do not include provisions for the Project Secretary, the
    DPL, or anyone else to disregard the plain language of the constitution.
    If someone wants to change those rules, they can do so with a GR.

    --
    Russ Allbery (rra@debian.org) <https://www.eyrie.org/~eagle/>

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  • From Christian Kastner@21:1/5 to Christian Kastner on Mon Mar 28 08:20:01 2022
    On 2022-03-28 01:22, Christian Kastner wrote:

    On 2022-03-27 19:31, felix.lechner@lease-up.com wrote:
    Would you please explain why Option 2 defeated NOTA by 124 votes but at
    the same time defeated Option 3, which was identical to NOTA, by only 35
    votes?

    This seems to be inline with what the proposer intended, though. From
    the text of Choice 3:

    [...] which is also why I explicitly want to see "keep the status
    quo" on the ballot, and not only as "NOTA", but as a real option.

    Having thought about this some more, I think the suggestion that the
    options are identical is quite simply incorrect.

    Somebody inclined towards voting secrecy but unhappy with either of the
    two proposed solutions of this particular GR might have voted 4123,
    leaving room future GRs with alternative voting secrecy proposals.

    Somebody unconditionally opposed towards voting secrecy would have
    reaffirmed the status quo with 3412, indicating that any future voting
    secrecy proposals would also be rejected.

    The latter explicitly reaffirms the status quo, the former does not. I
    guess this is why Holger proposed Choice 3.

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  • From Timo =?utf-8?Q?R=C3=B6hling?=@21:1/5 to All on Mon Mar 28 09:30:01 2022
    * Christian Kastner <ckk@debian.org> [2022-03-28 07:54]:
    The latter explicitly reaffirms the status quo, the former does
    not. I guess this is why Holger proposed Choice 3.

    Yes, and this is exactly how I used Option 3 to express my
    preference.


    Cheers
    Timo

    --
    ⢀⣴⠾⠻⢶⣦⠀ ╭────────────────────────────────────────────────────╮
    ⣾⠁⢠⠒⠀⣿⡁ │ Timo Röhling │
    ⢿⡄⠘⠷⠚⠋⠀ │ 9B03 EBB9 8300 DF97 C2B1 23BF CC8C 6BDD 1403 F4CA │
    ⠈⠳⣄⠀⠀⠀⠀ ╰────────────────────────────────────────────────────╯

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  • From Holger Levsen@21:1/5 to Christian Kastner on Mon Mar 28 12:30:01 2022
    On Mon, Mar 28, 2022 at 07:54:25AM +0200, Christian Kastner wrote:
    The latter explicitly reaffirms the status quo, the former does not. I
    guess this is why Holger proposed Choice 3.

    yes.


    --
    cheers,
    Holger

    ⢀⣴⠾⠻⢶⣦⠀
    ⣾⠁⢠⠒⠀⣿⡁ holger@(debian|reproducible-builds|layer-acht).org
    ⢿⡄⠘⠷⠚⠋⠀ OpenPGP: B8BF54137B09D35CF026FE9D 091AB856069AAA1C
    ⠈⠳⣄

    The devel is in the details.

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  • From Kurt Roeckx@21:1/5 to Felix Lechner on Mon Mar 28 19:10:01 2022
    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 01:30:53PM -0700, Felix Lechner wrote:
    Hi Kurt,

    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 11:03 AM Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> wrote:

    Clearly people don't think it's identical, otherwise it would not have
    been an option, or people would have voted it equally.

    People were confused.

    Given the stated intent of Option 3 that "early 2022 is not the time
    for rushed changes like this", the Secretary should not have admitted
    that option to the ballot.

    The Secretary does not have the power to reject ballot options.

    It inadvertently weakened the
    constitutional protection against changes to the constitution.

    I currently fail to see how it does.

    Neither the option's proponents nor the voters understood the
    deleterious effect. (Nor did I.) At a minimum, the public was entitled
    to a warning from the Project Secretary.

    I still fail to understand your point.

    Option 3 has no effect on the majority results. The options are compared
    to the NOTA option.

    Folks opposing "secret votes" should never have placed Option 2 ahead
    of NOTA, and would not have done so if Option 3 had been absent.

    I fail to see why they did not properly express their vote. If you think
    the text that is part of every ballot is not clear enough, please
    suggest changes to it.

    The whole point of the NOTA option is to be able to mark options as
    acceptable or not. Either an option is acceptable, and you rank it
    above the NOTA option, or it's not and you rank it bellow the NOTA
    option, or you don't care and rank it equal. The NOTA option's only
    purpose is mark options as acceptable or not, which is then used to
    see if the majority finds this option acceptable or not.

    Option 3 does not have any effect on how you should vote for the
    other 2 options, you either still find them acceptable or not.
    It allows you to express that you prefer the current system
    while also finding the other options acceptable, or that you prefer the
    secret vote and find the current system acceptable. It also allows
    expressing that you find the current system not acceptable, but
    I'm not sure that has a real effect on the result.

    Option 3 did have an advantage over the other otions because it does
    not modify the constitution, and so it did not require a 3:1 super
    majority.

    Option 2 barely made the 3:1 super majority requirements:
    185/61 = 3.03. One person voting the other way, 184/62 = 2.97 would
    have dropped that option, and option 3 would have been the only option
    passing the majority requirements despite option 2 being more popular
    and acceptable than option 3.


    Kurt

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  • From Sam Hartman@21:1/5 to All on Mon Mar 28 20:30:02 2022
    "Kurt" == Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> writes:


    >> It inadvertently weakened the constitutional protection against
    >> changes to the constitution.

    Kurt> I currently fail to see how it does.

    I think Felix's point is that if we had choice 1, 2 and Nota,

    People who preferred option 3 would vote N>2=1 or some such.

    Because choice 3 was on the ballot, people had options that reflected
    their preferences and so some of those people voted 3>2>N.

    I.E. voters tend to shy away from ranking options below NOTA.

    In super-majority races, we effectively ask voters two questions:

    1) Do you think the option is acceptable--that is, do you rank it above
    NOTA.

    2) Which option do you prefer.

    Felix's point is that the voters who preferred option 3 actually had the
    power to make it win, provided they were willing to say that they found
    option 2 unacceptable.
    Felix's assumption is that if they realized they had that power, they
    would have exercised it.

    That's doubtless true for some voters: our voting system is complicated.

    However, I've generally found that Debian members are fairly good about distinguishing what they consider acceptable and what they consider
    their prference.
    My suspicion is that a good chunk of voters did vote correctly according
    to their desires.

    My suspicion is that many of the people who would prefer to reaffirm our
    old voting system also found the change acceptable.

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  • From Kurt Roeckx@21:1/5 to Sam Hartman on Tue Mar 29 18:50:01 2022
    On Mon, Mar 28, 2022 at 12:26:51PM -0600, Sam Hartman wrote:
    "Kurt" == Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> writes:


    >> It inadvertently weakened the constitutional protection against
    >> changes to the constitution.

    Kurt> I currently fail to see how it does.

    I think Felix's point is that if we had choice 1, 2 and Nota,

    People who preferred option 3 would vote N>2=1 or some such.

    Because choice 3 was on the ballot, people had options that reflected
    their preferences and so some of those people voted 3>2>N.

    So the only thing I see is that they now had the option to express there preferences, while they were limited in how to express their preference
    without option 3.

    One way of interpreting the NOTA option is to look say what you think is acceptable or not. Without option 3 on the ballot, you can not say you
    think option 1 and 2 are acceptable but prefer option 3. You need to say
    option 1 and 2 are not acceptable, while you actually think they are acceptable. With option 3 on the ballot you can really talk about it
    being acceptable or not.

    Without option 3, it's probably beter to talk about preference rather
    than being acceptable. If you prefer no change, you just mark it below
    the NOTA option, even when you think option 1 or 2 is acceptable.

    Option 3 being on the ballot can make it more likely for option 1 and
    2 to pass, but that's because people can actually express their opinion.

    Our voting system works best when all option are on the ballot. Adding
    more options is not a problem, it has clone independence.

    Felix's point is that the voters who preferred option 3 actually had the power to make it win, provided they were willing to say that they found option 2 unacceptable.
    Felix's assumption is that if they realized they had that power, they
    would have exercised it.

    But option 2 won, so even if there were people who voted strategically,
    it's not a problem in this vote.

    On a ballot with mixed majority requirements the option with the lowest majority requirement clearly has an advantage. It might be possible to
    fix that by requiring all option to have the highest majority
    requirement, but I'm not really sure it's better or not.


    Kurt

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  • From Thomas Goirand@21:1/5 to Felix Lechner on Tue Mar 29 21:20:01 2022
    On 3/28/22 01:30, Felix Lechner wrote:
    Meanwhile, the uncertainty you and I both suffer would be resolved by
    a simple redo of the vote with a ballot that carries the appropriate
    warning. That is all I asked for.

    IMO we shouldn't have voted for this in the first place (for many
    reasons, like not knowing the implementation details, and the fact we
    voted only on one property of the vote).

    Please do not make it even more painful asking for another vote (because
    you do not like the outcome).

    Cheers,

    Thomas Goirand (zigo)

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  • From Pierre-Elliott =?utf-8?Q?B=C3=A9cue@21:1/5 to Felix Lechner on Wed Mar 30 00:10:01 2022
    Felix Lechner <felix.lechner@lease-up.com> wrote on 27/03/2022 at 22:30:53+0200:

    Hi Kurt,

    On Sun, Mar 27, 2022 at 11:03 AM Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> wrote:

    Clearly people don't think it's identical, otherwise it would not have
    been an option, or people would have voted it equally.

    People were confused.

    Given the stated intent of Option 3 that "early 2022 is not the time
    for rushed changes like this", the Secretary should not have admitted
    that option to the ballot. It inadvertently weakened the
    constitutional protection against changes to the constitution.

    The constitution is the project's foundational document.

    Neither the option's proponents nor the voters understood the
    deleterious effect. (Nor did I.) At a minimum, the public was entitled
    to a warning from the Project Secretary.

    The vote was procedurally defective.

    Option 3 has no effect on the majority results. The options are compared
    to the NOTA option.

    Folks opposing "secret votes" should never have placed Option 2 ahead
    of NOTA, and would not have done so if Option 3 had been absent.

    I do not believe it is possible to reconstruct the electorate's intent
    solely from the beat matrix. A better approximation, however, would be
    to also consider the 107 votes who placed Option 3 ahead of Option 2
    in the latter's majority test. That would yield 185 / (61 + 107) = 1.1
    which is less than the factor of 3 mandated by section 4.1.2 of the constitution.

    As far as I can see, the result is unconstitutional and thus invalid.

    I currently don't see anything wrong with this vote, so I see no reason
    to redo it.

    Please reconsider. Otherwise the project's sole alternative may be to
    replace the Project Secretary.

    So… you state the vote is unconstitutional based on an interpretation
    you are making of the potential misleading state some ballot option
    would have had. And your solution to "fix" this is to *demand* an _unconstitutional_ decision from the Project Secretary who is
    responsible for making sure things stay constitutional, otherwise you
    threaten him to get replaced for doing exactly what the project expects
    him to do?

    I know these times are rough. I know some people in some countries are
    trying to show one can look like a democrat while not being one at all.
    But seeing this, there and now is kind of painful. I see it as quite
    violent and inappropriate.

    As far as I'm concerned, I'd be quite worried to have you as a DPL.

    FWIW, Kurt, I'd like to express to you my full sympathy and support.

    --
    PEB

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  • From Russ Allbery@21:1/5 to Philip Hands on Wed Mar 30 01:00:02 2022
    Philip Hands <phil@hands.com> writes:

    The blurb that's sent out with the votes says:

    To vote "no, no matter what", rank "None of the above" as more
    desirable than the unacceptable choices, or you may rank the "None of
    the above" choice and leave choices you consider unacceptable blank.

    which to me suggests that if one ranks something as equal to NotA then
    one is not marking it as unacceptable, so presumably it is counted as acceptable -- is that how such votes are calculated?

    The relevant provision of the constitution is:

    A.5.3. Any (non-default) option which does not defeat the default
    option by its required majority ratio is dropped from consideration.

    1. Given two options A and B, V(A,B) is the number of voters who
    prefer option A over option B.
    2. An option A defeats the default option D by a majority ratio N,
    if V(A,D) is greater or equal to N * V(D,A) and V(A,D) is
    strictly greater than V(D,A).
    3. If a supermajority of S:1 is required for A, its majority ratio
    is S; otherwise, its majority ratio is 1.

    My understanding of the implications of this process (and Kurt is
    authoritative here, of course) is that if you rank NOTA equally with an
    option, that vote is not part of V(A,D) or V(D,A) since neither option is preferred over the other, and therefore has no effect either way on
    whether an option is discarded because it doesn't meet majority.

    --
    Russ Allbery (rra@debian.org) <https://www.eyrie.org/~eagle/>

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  • From Philip Hands@21:1/5 to Kurt Roeckx on Wed Mar 30 00:50:01 2022
    Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> writes:

    On Mon, Mar 28, 2022 at 12:26:51PM -0600, Sam Hartman wrote:
    "Kurt" == Kurt Roeckx <kurt@roeckx.be> writes:


    >> It inadvertently weakened the constitutional protection against
    >> changes to the constitution.

    Kurt> I currently fail to see how it does.

    I think Felix's point is that if we had choice 1, 2 and Nota,

    People who preferred option 3 would vote N>2=1 or some such.

    Because choice 3 was on the ballot, people had options that reflected
    their preferences and so some of those people voted 3>2>N.

    So the only thing I see is that they now had the option to express there preferences, while they were limited in how to express their preference without option 3.

    One way of interpreting the NOTA option is to look say what you think is acceptable or not. Without option 3 on the ballot, you can not say you
    think option 1 and 2 are acceptable but prefer option 3. You need to say option 1 and 2 are not acceptable, while you actually think they are acceptable. With option 3 on the ballot you can really talk about it
    being acceptable or not.

    Without option 3, it's probably beter to talk about preference rather
    than being acceptable. If you prefer no change, you just mark it below
    the NOTA option, even when you think option 1 or 2 is acceptable.

    Option 3 being on the ballot can make it more likely for option 1 and
    2 to pass, but that's because people can actually express their opinion.

    Our voting system works best when all option are on the ballot. Adding
    more options is not a problem, it has clone independence.

    Felix's point is that the voters who preferred option 3 actually had the
    power to make it win, provided they were willing to say that they found
    option 2 unacceptable.
    Felix's assumption is that if they realized they had that power, they
    would have exercised it.

    But option 2 won, so even if there were people who voted strategically,
    it's not a problem in this vote.

    I don't actually mind the outcome (despite my '--12' vote, which was
    tactical in the way described above I'm afraid -- probably as a result
    of growing up under the UK's first-past-the-post system, which
    pretty-much forces people to vote tactically, so I tend to do it out of
    habit).

    However, I'm failing to understand how the votes are calculated and/or
    what certain votes were expected to achieve by the people casting them.

    The blurb that's sent out with the votes says:

    To vote "no, no matter what", rank "None of the above" as more
    desirable than the unacceptable choices, or you may rank the "None of
    the above" choice and leave choices you consider unacceptable blank.

    which to me suggests that if one ranks something as equal to NotA then
    one is not marking it as unacceptable, so presumably it is counted as acceptable -- is that how such votes are calculated?

    It seems 8 people voted '--1-' and 3 voted '1---'.

    Did those all contribute to option 2 getting its 3:1 majority?

    If so, do we think that someone casting either of those votes was
    expecting their vote to be interpreted thus?

    Cheers, Phil.
    --
    |)| Philip Hands [+44 (0)20 8530 9560] HANDS.COM Ltd.
    |-| http://www.hands.com/ http://ftp.uk.debian.org/
    |(| Hugo-Klemm-Strasse 34, 21075 Hamburg, GERMANY

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  • From Kurt Roeckx@21:1/5 to Russ Allbery on Wed Mar 30 02:00:01 2022
    On Tue, Mar 29, 2022 at 03:54:28PM -0700, Russ Allbery wrote:

    My understanding of the implications of this process (and Kurt is authoritative here, of course) is that if you rank NOTA equally with an option, that vote is not part of V(A,D) or V(D,A) since neither option is preferred over the other, and therefore has no effect either way on
    whether an option is discarded because it doesn't meet majority.

    That is also my understanding. Ranking an option equal to NOTA means
    that it will have no effect on the majority requirements, only other
    people's votes will have an effect on the majority requirements for that option.

    In the vote results you'll see that the majority calculation uses
    185/61 for option 2. That means 185 people voted option 2 above NOTA,
    61 below NOTA. Since there were 258 people who voted it means
    258-185-61=12 voted option 2 equal to NOTA.


    Kurt

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  • From Philip Hands@21:1/5 to Russ Allbery on Wed Mar 30 01:30:01 2022
    Russ Allbery <rra@debian.org> writes:

    Philip Hands <phil@hands.com> writes:

    The blurb that's sent out with the votes says:

    To vote "no, no matter what", rank "None of the above" as more
    desirable than the unacceptable choices, or you may rank the "None of
    the above" choice and leave choices you consider unacceptable blank.

    which to me suggests that if one ranks something as equal to NotA then
    one is not marking it as unacceptable, so presumably it is counted as
    acceptable -- is that how such votes are calculated?

    The relevant provision of the constitution is:

    A.5.3. Any (non-default) option which does not defeat the default
    option by its required majority ratio is dropped from consideration.

    1. Given two options A and B, V(A,B) is the number of voters who
    prefer option A over option B.
    2. An option A defeats the default option D by a majority ratio N,
    if V(A,D) is greater or equal to N * V(D,A) and V(A,D) is
    strictly greater than V(D,A).
    3. If a supermajority of S:1 is required for A, its majority ratio
    is S; otherwise, its majority ratio is 1.

    My understanding of the implications of this process (and Kurt is authoritative here, of course) is that if you rank NOTA equally with an option, that vote is not part of V(A,D) or V(D,A) since neither option is preferred over the other, and therefore has no effect either way on
    whether an option is discarded because it doesn't meet majority.

    Ah, right -- it seems that I had a typo in the grep pattern I was
    pointing at the tally file, which was confusing me. Having fixed that,
    I can now see that it is exactly as you describe. Thanks :-)

    In that case, a vote of '--1-' does make sense, if one doesn't actually
    want to block a sufficiently large vote for options 1 or 2. In fact it's probably what I should have voted rather than '--12' in order to reflect
    my actual view.

    Cheers, Phil.
    --
    |)| Philip Hands [+44 (0)20 8530 9560] HANDS.COM Ltd.
    |-| http://www.hands.com/ http://ftp.uk.debian.org/
    |(| Hugo-Klemm-Strasse 34, 21075 Hamburg, GERMANY

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